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This paper examines the role of institution in the combating crime in India. This study also assesses institutions for controlling property crime in India in the post-reform era.

Crime and socio-economic data are taken from National Crime Record Bureau and the Reserve Bank of India, respectively. Twenty major Indian states are selected for the study purpose for the period of 1994–2019. Fixed effect panel data technique is used for analysis purpose.

Property crime rate declines with economic growth, while it increases with financial development. Findings of fiscal policy instruments are different. Own tax is positively associated with property crime in India, while non-tax fiscal instruments such as fine, penalty, and so on, are inversely related to it. Property crime rate is inversely related to institutional factors like charge sheet and conviction rate.

Further research is needed for other crimes in India. State-level data are used here for analysis purpose; however, spatial or cluster analysis techniques might provide more insights for combating crimes in India.

This study suggests that economic growth and fiscal instrument along with institutional development are essential to control property crime in India.

Government should take steps to improve the law-and-order system to control property crime across states.

Impact of non-tax fiscal instrument reduces property crime while that of own tax is increases it in India. These findings are unique and added certain insight in the study. Institutional roles are captured its performances like charge sheet and convict rate, which are significantly reduce property crime in Indian states. Least square dummy variable model is applied to capture individual state effects.

The peer review history for this article is available at: https://publons.com/publon/10.1108/IJSE-01-2023-0063

This study builds on the extant research of the authors on illegal rural enterprise (IRE). However, instead of taking a single or micro case approach within specific sections of the farming and food industries we examine the concept holistically from a macro case perspective. Many IRE crimes simply could not be committed without insider knowledge and complicity, making it essential to appreciate this when researching or investigating such crimes.

Using data from published studies, we introduce the theoretical concept of “Shadow infrastructure” to analyse and explain the prevalence and endurance of such criminal enterprises. Using a multiple case approach, we examine data across the cases to provide an analysis of several industry wide crimes—the illicit halal meat trade; the theft of sheep; the theft of tractors and plant; and the supply of illicit veterinary medicines.

We examine IRE crimes across various sectors to identify commonalities in practice and in relation to business models drawing from a multidisciplinary literature spanning business and criminology. Such enterprises can be are inter-linked. We also provide suggestions on investigating such structures.

We identify academic and practical implications in relation to the investigation of IRE crime and from an academic perspective in relation to researching the phenomenon.

This study combines data from numerous individual studies from a macro perspective to provide practical solutions to a multifaceted problem.

The purpose of this research is to analyze the role of gender in the commission of white collar crimes and investigate it in five countries: Norway, Portugal, America, India and Iran.

Descriptive analytical method is used in this article.

A total of five observations were examined about the rank and percentage of women's participation in white-collar crimes, namely, from Norway (rank 3, 7%), USA (rank 26, 5%), Portugal (29th rank, 13%), India (rank 135, 11%) and Iran (rank 143, 5%). As is visually obvious, there seems to be no relationship between the level of gender equality and the percentage of women involved in white-collar crimes. However, according to Hobbs, in most research, the issue of gender and its effect on the occurrence of white-collar crimes have not been addressed, but by using the limited statistics and limited information available, it can be concluded that a small number of women have committed this crime. According to global crime reports, only 15 out of 200 prosecutions for white-collar crimes involve women.

To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this article is original and has been submitted only to this journal and has not been submitted to another journal at the same time.

The specific objective of the study is to investigate the presence of natural rate of crime rates in selected emerging economies by using panel unit roots. The majority of the literature examines the issue using conventional unit root tests in a country-specific context. Meanwhile, there is no panel unit root investigation has been undertaken considering both cross-sectional dependence (CD) and structural changes.

As a result, this study is to fill the aforementioned gap and validate the natural rate of crime rates for 10 countries by using a Fourier panel unit root test. The advantage of the test is that structural shifts are modelled as gradual or smooth changes with a Fourier approximation, and it also accounts cross-sectional dependency. Thus, the Fourier panel unit root test may have better performance in capturing potential changes in the nature of data.

The result of the conventional unit roots test shows evidence of the hysteresis effect in crime, as it stands does not adequately account for smooth transitions or breaks. On contrary, the Fourier panel unit root test confirms the natural rate hypothesis in crime rates. The present results highlight the detrimental effects of crime cannot be abated by short-run deterrence policies.

Contrary to previous studies, the theoretical implications of the study imply that the empirical models consider the dynamic nature of crime rates should account for natural rate properties instead of the hysteresis assumption.

Academics recently identified a lack of research regarding who should guide interactions in virtual social networks when risks appear. Data shows that organizers are usually less active than other users in this context, which can lead to negative reactions among attendees. This research examines if and how virtual social network communication guided by an official source (vs a nonofficial source vs control group) reduces perceived crime risks and trust before the event, leading to lower ambivalence and higher intention to attend. The study was conducted in Colombia, a country where many individuals face this type of risk.

First-year university students (N = 210) from Colombia were invited to a “Welcome Cocktail”. Two weeks before the cocktail, they were divided into three groups (70 per condition) to receive information. In Group 1, participants were invited to be part of a WhatsApp group administered by one of the organizers. In Group 2, they participated in a WhatsApp group administered by a student. Group 3 was the control (i.e. no virtual communication established before the event). One week after the meeting, they were gathered again and answered a questionnaire, which measured perceived crime risk, trust, ambivalence and intention to attend.

Participants in the WhatsApp group administered by an official source perceived lower risk and higher trust in the organizers, which led to lower ambivalence towards the event and higher intention to attend it. The relationship between ambivalence and intention to attend is moderated by the nationality of the participants (locals vs foreigners), such as, at equal levels of ambivalence, foreigners show lower intention to attend the event.

This is the first study that compares different approaches on a virtual social network to reduce perceived crime risk in event management. The results present new findings on how the presence of an official source can mitigate this risk, and which potential attendees (i.e. locals vs foreigners) are especially benefited from it. The findings are particularly useful for managers in regions where attendees face crime risks every day, and might feel low trust towards public and private institutions, such as in Colombia.

This paper aims to provide an overview of South African perspectives on preventing, monitoring and combating hate victimisation, towards informing international understandings.

Using a general review approach, this paper provides a historical examination of measures proposed by the South African Government and civil society since 1994, to prevent, monitor and combat hate crime, hate speech and intentional unfair discrimination.

Regardless of a constitutional commitment to social inclusion, diversity and minority rights, significant progress remains lacking after almost three decades of related advocacy, lobbying and limited government intervention. Findings of the South African Hate Crimes Working Group (HCWG) longitudinal Monitoring Project emphasise the need for decisive legal responses to hate victimisation.

A Bill, recognising hate crime and hate speech as distinct criminal offences, has been in development for almost 15 years and will soon serve before Parliament. Enactment of this legislation will be ground-breaking in Africa.

This paper contributes to the field of hate studies by providing an overview of the journey towards current conceptual understandings of hate in (South) Africa. It sets the stage for evaluating the potential of the redesigned HCWG monitoring tool, which holds promise for early identification and intervention in hate hotspots and targeted sectors. This instrument can establish trends not only in South Africa but also across the African continent.

This study aims to evaluate the advantages and disadvantages of auditor mandatory suspicious activity reporting versus the exercise of professional judgement in the anti-money laundering regimes of the UK and the USA.

The research draws upon the following sources. Firstly, statistics provided by the UK National Crime Agency, 2019 (NCA) regarding suspicious activity report (SAR) filing rates. Secondly, anti-money laundering legislation in the USA and UK. Thirdly, statements made in the political domain in the USA, particularly those which raised constitutional concerns during the progress of the Patriot Act 2001. Finally, statements and recommendations by a UK Parliamentary Commission enquiring into the effectiveness of the suspicious activity reporting regime.

The UK reporting regime does not accommodate professional judgement, resulting in the filing of SARs with limited intelligence value. This contrasts with discretionary reporting in the USA: voluntary reporting guides and influences auditor behaviour rather than mandating it. Defensive filing by UK auditors (defence to anti-money launderings [DAMLs]) has increased in recent years but the number of SARs filed has declined.

The study evaluates auditor behavioural responses to legislative regimes which mandate or alternatively accommodate discretion in the reporting suspicion of money laundering. Consideration of constitutional and judicial activism in this context is a novel contribution to the literature. For its theoretical framework the study uses Foucault’s concept of discipline of the self to evaluate auditor behaviour under both regimes.

The purpose of this article is to provide a critical account of the hate crime (HC) paradigm by exploring its historical legal definition and the limitations in addressing the multiple and structural discriminations faced by minority groups. Specifically, the article focuses on the case of Italy, where in recent years a fierce debate over a proposed law on HC against LGBT+ and disabled people ended in its rejection due to neoconservative and Catholic opposition.

Drawing on critical socio-criminological literature on HC, the paper analyses the Italian debates and socio-legal context over the past two decades regarding discrimination against LGBT+ groups and its (lack of) criminalization. It also provides a secondary analysis of recent data on violence and discrimination against LGBT+ people, collected by the Fundamental Rights Agency (FRA).

The analysis of the debate and the data collected shows that the criminal definition of HC is insufficient to capture the wider range of social and cultural violence and discrimination against LGBT+ people. Indeed, data analysis shows the effect of the low level of recognition of rights on the propensity of people to denounce and of social practitioners to recognize, discrimination and violence against LGBT+ people. It is therefore argued that the discussion on HC should move beyond the criminalization of individual violence to be entrenched in a broader reflection over the lack of recognition of sexual citizenship rights which perpetuates the vulnerability of LGBT+ people.

This paper contributes to the international socio-criminological debate on HC. It argues for a comprehensive framework that recognizes the structural nature of discrimination and violence against vulnerable groups by framing discrimination and violence against LGBT+ people as a citizenship right rather than a criminal justice issue.

Individuals who are exploited and manipulated by criminal gangs are often wrongly labelled, stereotyped, and blamed (to varying levels) for the vulnerable positions that they find themselves in. Individuals who perpetrate violence towards others have often also been victims of violence and crime themselves. Teaching about these groups and trying to represent their position and experiences is a difficult and sensitive area. Building on current research, experiences of teaching professionals and students about the exploitation of marginalised groups, serious violence, and crime during COVID-19, are reflected upon. In doing so, what is important for students to understand about marganilised groups is set out, and recommendations for improvements to teaching practice are discussed. Firstly, it is argued that where educators seek to help students learn about marginalised groups, there needs to be preparation to put the work in at the front end and reflect on their own assumptions, beliefs and learning needs. Secondly, they also need to think about the ‘active’ and ‘passive’ (Seddon, 2005) aspects of individual agency and to be as authentic as they can to the lived experiences of marginalised communities as community members engage in types of behaviours and access services. Finally, it is then important for them to open up opportunities for students to reflect on the more detailed aspects and wider social, economic, and structural factors that marginalised communities face as they endeavour to articulate their own needs in society.

The purpose of this study is to explore the experiences of those volunteering within a restorative justice service thus enabling an insight into their perceptions of the different methods used, their beliefs about restorative justice effectiveness, and its place within the criminal justice system. The study also sought to identify any challenges and positive experiences the participants encountered during their role as volunteers, with volunteering during the COVID-19 pandemic explored specifically.

Data was collected from the participants (n = 5) via semi-structured interviews and analysed using thematic analysis, thus enabling patterns within the experience of the volunteers to be identified.

A prior understanding and interest in restorative justice was evident within the data, with participants demonstrating a preference for direct, face-to-face mediation. The perceived lack of support from external agencies was discussed along with the role of education in their volunteering experience. Finally, it was acknowledged that although face-to-face practice was deemed the most effective overall, certain practices adopted during COVID-19 enabled aspects of the role to be carried out more efficiently and equally as effectively.

The findings from this study draw out real-world implications, producing tangible action points for restorative justice services. Some tentative suggestions for future practice are outlined.

The volunteers’ role within restorative justice is often overlooked within the literature (Paul and Borton, 2013) and time constraints can add additional barriers to a hard-to-reach population. However, volunteers play a vital role in restorative justice. By exploring and listening to the volunteers’ experience, this study expands an additional strand within the literature in terms of what makes restorative justice effective and the challenges that are faced from a volunteer perspective.