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The purpose of this paper is to show that despite the critical importance of using accurate data when identifying geographic patterns and studying hotspots, few have explored the data quality issues introduced by Geographic Information Systems (GIS) software applications. While software manufacturers provide some information about the address matching process, critical details are left out or are buried in technical, and sometimes proprietary, jargon. The purpose of this paper is to address these issues.

The paper demonstrates, with three datasets of 100 cases each, how the assumptions built into popular GIS software produce systematically missing data during the data importing process commonly referred to as address matching.

Inclusion of directional indicators and zip codes are more important than previously thought. The results highlight the critical need to provide complete descriptions of research methodology. All geographic analyses must be accompanied with: information about the hit rate (percent of cases plotted), details about the software and process used to import tabular crime data, information about the software parameters set for the importation process (geocoding preferences), reference information about the street file used; and, an examination of the missing cases to identify some of the sampling error. When forecasting crime issues or identifying hot spots, analysts must be cognizant of the differential impact this bias will have on the generalizability of the results.

The paper explores previously neglected issues in data quality introduced by GIS software applications.

This paper presents the findings of an evaluation of a street crime warden scheme in a city in the north west of England. It specifically focuses on the aims of the warden scheme and provides a detailed overview of the role of the wardens. The scheme is examined with regard to the threat from police community support officers (PCSOs), public perceptions and the overall financial sustainability of the scheme.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the influence of reference data, input address quality, and crime type on completeness and positional accuracy of street geocoded crime events.

Existing data were analyzed using ArcGIS, including crime incident information, street network reference data, and address point and/or parcel reference data. Geocoding completeness was determined by the overall match rate. Positional accuracy was determined by comparing the Euclidian distance between street geocoded locations of crime events to the corresponding address point/parcel geocoded location.

Results indicate that match rates vary by reference data, input address quality, and crime type. Local street centerline files consistently produced match rates that were as good as – and in many cases superior to – other types of reference data, including commercial data. Greater variability in positional accuracy was observed across reference data when crime type and input address quality was considered, but results were consistent with positional accuracy analysis conducted using data from other disciplines.

Results provide researchers and practitioners with valuable guidance and insight into one of the most basic – albeit fundamental – procedures related to the spatio‐temporal analysis of crime, suggesting that reference data required to produce geocoded crime incidents successfully and of high quality does not necessarily mean a large financial investment on the part of law enforcement agencies or researchers interested in the geospatial analysis of crime.

Prior to this investigation, a comprehensive examination of the impact of data quality on geocoded crime events was absent from the literature.

A considerable amount of police evaluation research focuses on innovative approaches to reduce crime at places. This is hardly coincidental; policing and place-based scholars have found crime is highly concentrated, and when police focus on these places, they can prevent and reduce crime. The regularity of such findings led Weisburd (2015) to assert the existence of a “law of crime concentration.” Given that bold assertion, the authors test whether the law of crime concentration is generalizable to one of the most common public safety concerns that police handle—traffic crashes.

To determine whether the law of crime concentration applies to traffic crashes, the authors examined crash locations and times in all counties in Utah across four years. Following and expanding on Weisburd's methods, the authors calculate the bandwidth of concentration for these crashes and analyze various types by severity and possible explanations for variations in crash concentrations across the state.

A small proportion of street segments and intersections experience a disproportionately high number of crashes, and the degree of concentration of crashes may be even higher than that of crime. Further, there are variations in the levels of crash concentration across counties and in the severity of injuries resulting from the crashes.

Place-based criminologists and policing scholars have not often explored traffic crashes in their analyses. Yet, traffic problems take up a significant amount of law enforcement time and resources and are often priorities for most law enforcement agencies. Given what the authors know from traffic, policing and crime and place research, targeted approaches at micro traffic crash hot spots can be beneficial for public safety prevention.

This study is the first to explore the application of Weisburd's Law of Crime Concentration to traffic crashes. Given that police spend a significant amount of time and resources on traffic-related problems in their jurisdiction, finding more effective, evidence-based approaches to address this public safety concern should be a high priority for police and researchers alike.

Much attention has focused on the motivation for robbery and robbery in different contexts, but an understanding of young robbery careers in an urban setting, and the pathways connected to it, have remained absent from the literature. In this paper, I give four case studies of street robbery careers highlighting key turning points and pathways into and out of street robbery and gangs. I will show how robbery, gang affiliation and participation in ‘street culture’ have implications for progression through robbery careers into other criminal activities.

This chapter seeks to classify condominium crime, explain its neglect in light of the growth of condo living in cities and closely consider the prospects for greater visibility and legal regulation of these acts. We deploy traditional dichotomies of white-collar/street crime and insiders/outsiders to construct a two-dimensional typology of condo crime and illustrate each type using empirically grounded examples from extensive qualitative research in Ontario and New York State entailing analysis of media accounts, condo owner association and corporation websites, and numerous interviews with owners, board directors and industry actors. We argue that the condo form retains peculiar characteristics that tend to prevent public reporting of condo crimes and leaves the ‘usual suspects’ (i.e. street criminals) in the spotlight while other, potentially more damaging, acts are neglected. We conclude by discussing barriers to knowing the extent of condo crime and their relationship to legal regulation.

This paper aims to examine the effects of transformations of the levels of visual and functional permeability and the types of uses on the ground floors of buildings on the perception of security and the occurrence of residential burglary, theft in residence, pedestrian mugging, vehicle robbery, vehicle theft and theft of items inside a vehicle on selected blocks.

Nine blocks divided into three groups were selected in Capão da Canoa, a Brazilian city that has been undergoing morphological transformations, including the replacement of buildings with residences and shops on the ground floor, with doors and windows facing the street, by buildings with a predominance of garage doors and blind walls on the ground floors. Data were collected through the application of questionnaires and interviews.

The results reveal, for example, that perception of greater security is related to the blocks with a greater number of functional and visual connections between the ground floor interfaces of the buildings and the open public spaces. In addition, the night period records the higher number of criminal occurrences, even on blocks with higher rates of visual and functional connections between the ground floor interfaces and the public open space and higher rates of residential and commercial uses on the ground floor of the buildings.

It is expected that the results of this paper will allow for greater knowledge and the revision of many urban guidelines regarding the effects of the transformations of ground floor interfaces from traditional to contemporary buildings in the perception of security and the occurrence of crimes in public open spaces and in neighbouring residential units. It is further evidenced the need to recognize the ground floor interface as an element of public interest, even if it belongs to a private property. Nonetheless, further research is needed on the relationships between the quantifications of the levels of visual and functional permeability, the different types of uses on the ground floor of buildings, movement of people and crimes in open spaces and buildings in different periods of the day.

This study explores the applicability of Anderson's (1999) code of the street framework to an Asian context by examining the relationship between residents' perceptions of police ineffectiveness, nationality, and street codes in foreigner-concentrated areas in South Korea.

The authors used survey data from 1,865 residents of diverse nationalities living in 20 foreigner-concentrated areas in South Korea. Mixed-effects ordinary least squares (OLS) regression and moderation analysis were used to examine (1) the association between residents' perceptions of police ineffectiveness and their street codes and (2) how this association varies across nationality groups.

The study findings overall indicated that higher resident perceptions of police as ineffective tended to correspond with greater levels of street codes. However, the interaction analysis results found that this relationship was conditioned by nationality. Specifically, perceptions of police ineffectiveness were associated with greater levels of street codes among foreign residents, particularly Korean-Chinese residents, whereas this was not the case among Korean residents.

The relationship between perceptions of the police and street codes described by Anderson (1999) has primarily been examined in the context of the U.S. To the best of the authors' knowledge, this study represents the first attempt to explore the link between residents' perceptions of the police and street codes by different nationality groups within an Asian setting.

This chapter evaluates the allure and the danger of attributing race-laden crime politics to displaced anxiety. Stuart Scheingold's “myth of crime and punishment” was a path-setting theory of redirected fear, arguing that socioeconomic “fear of falling” is displaced onto street crime, where the simple morality tale of lawbreaker-versus-state offers the illusion of control. The danger of this theory, I argue, is that it purports to analyze post-1960s’ structural inequality, but it replicates the post-civil rights logic and language of racism as nonstructural – an irrationality, a misplaced emotion, a mere epiphenomenon of class. As a theory that hinges on the malfunction of redirecting structural anxieties onto symbols and scapegoats, the vocabulary of displaced anxieties links punitive (white) subjects to punished (black and Latino) objects through a diagnosis that is, by definition, beyond rationality. The vocabulary of displaced anxiety categorizes the racial politics of law and order as an emotional misfire, thereby occluding the ways in which racial interests are at stake in crime policy and carceral state development.

This chapter brings together the insights of Stuart Scheingold's work on political criminology and urban social control with subsequent work on the politics of affect or “public feelings.” I argue that Scheingold prefigured the turn to affect in his study of crime politics and that his attention to the way affect-driven politicization plays out differently at different political levels (local, national) usefully complicates the current focus on national politics.