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Recent research has shown that children and young people are living on the streets in the UK with no support from family or other institutions and very few options for legitimate support, often resorting to dangerous survival strategies that put them at risk from others wishing to harm or exploit them. Many children and young people turn to the streets while still living with parents or carers to escape abuse in the home or because they do not receive attention and care. Integration of the homeless and non‐homeless populations sometimes plays a part in how children or young people find themselves on the streets. Becoming part of a gang, whether formed by groups of homeless people or those from the non‐homeless population, is an important survival strategy when on the streets. Once children and young people reach 16, the range of options for support widens and they become eligible to access services for homeless adults which are often not appropriate for them. Where prevention is not possible, there should be a response to children and young people's needs through outreach work, drop‐in centres and accommodation that operate in an informal way and have the capacity to respond to further requests for support.

In the early period of human history, when neither classical slavery nor wage slavery existed, all individuals forming a community, nuclear or extended family, contributed according to their abilities and powers to the satisfaction of the vital needs of the group. The male workers are the first group of people who work for wages, the second are the female workers who are employed less than the male workers and the third is the group of child workers who are the cheapest of all. Child labour in the street economy is the smallest unit of society which has been used for centuries to meet the vital needs of the family. This use of child labour takes the form of unpaid domestic labour in micro-enterprises such as agriculture, business administration and handicrafts, which can be seen as an example of a closed economy. The work of a girl helping her mother with the housework, the work of a boy helping his father in the vineyard and gardening and the work of a child helping the family in the grocery shop or working for a carpenter are valued in this framework. In addition, to earn direct additional financial income, apprenticeship for pay, work in a workshop, helping with daily house cleaning and child labour in the form of a daily wage are defined as child labour. In addition, to earn their own pocket money, contribute to the family budget or meet school expenses, peddling, shining shoes and selling the family's vineyard and garden produce on the street and in squares in their own name and for their own account are classified as child labour in the street economy. This study is a literature review on child labour in the street economy with national and global examples.

This research aims to explore childhood construction in the Afghan refugee community living in Pakistan. Young Afghan people aged 12–18 who were working on the streets participated in the generation of data for this study in 2019. Ethnographic research approaches with semi-structured in-depth interviews and field observations were used to obtain real insights. Young Afghan refugees have been a constant phenomenon on the streets for decades in the twin cities of Pakistan – Rawalpindi and Islamabad – where this research was conducted and are involved in different street-based casual activities. The findings show that young people face discrimination and exclusion from the mainstream of society due to their undefined citizenship status and poverty. Parents see their children as dependents and as assets for their old age, and children and young people need to work to support their families who live in poverty. In fulfilling their filial responsibilities, young people sacrifice their schooling and have limited opportunities to learn new skills. It is concluded that the government and other international institutions with responsibility for setting policies and creating programs for young Afghan refugees need to understand the dynamics of the families in which the young people live and how these families inculcate them with their generational values.

What is discussed in this chapter is work-in-progress, an opportunity for reflection upon elements of an on-going research project examining the lives of street children in Accra, Ghana. Street children have received much research in recent years but our project is, we believe, distinctive in two respects. The first of these is that access to reliable data on the growing presence of children on the streets of African cities is often problematic. Available research is often diffuse and hard to access, it is more often than not driven by the short-term requirements of specific programmes and interventions and as a consequence can be lacking in depth, rigour and innovation. Without the means to provide a sufficiently self-conscious and critical engagement with accepted understandings of the lives of street children, consideration of the experience of street children in Africa continues to rely heavily on the more capacious and better disseminated research from the Americas (e.g., Mickelson, 2000). At the very least, Africa's specific experience of large population displacements, diversity of family forms, rapid urbanisation, vigorous structural adjustment and internal conflict raise important questions about the appropriateness of such ready generalisations. Judith Ennew (2003, p. 4) is clear that caution is needed in an uncritical endorsement of the “globalisation of the street child based on Latin American work”. She is equally mindful, however, that as far as Africa is concerned the absence of reliable evidence continues to hinder debate.

There is a Turkish proverb commonly used for gratitude: ‘nothing so bad but it might have been worse’. Actually, how worse the situation can get for the children living and working on the street as an image of visible poverty of the cities. The children who settle in the streets, who live in the streets, who work or force to work in the streets are the ones affected by the negativeness that COVID-19 created. Their living conditions became harder and crueller. Children who live and work on the streets have not only had socio-economic problems but also educational medical problems, etc. It is a social truth that these children are the most affected disadvantaged group in the battle of pandemic. In this context, especially before and after pandemic, how the life is affected and the change that it brings is very remarkable. However, the detrimental effect on the negativity in societal terms is inevitable. In this study, children living, working, and being forced to work in the streets are defined cognitively, their status quo in the society, their form of life, their educational, medical, criminal, and family cultural relationships are described; evaluation of pandemic process’s influences on ‘the new normal’, the social change and transformation in regarding to human and child rights are discussed.

The United Nations continues to identify street children as one of the most vulnerable sub-populations of children and youth globally. The purpose of this paper is to present social and contextual perspectives of 11 girls living on the streets of Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire. Implications with respect to the development and delivery of effective sexual/reproductive and mental health interventions and services are discussed.

Through semi-structured interviews and applied qualitative thematic analysis, this paper aims to achieve in-depth understanding about the lives of 11 girls living on the street. A socio-ecological framework is utilized to interpret the experiences of the girls at the individual (micro), community (mezzo) and structural (macro) levels.

Six main themes evolved from the thematic analysis of interview transcripts: exposure to violence and abuse before and on the street, exposure to violence and sex work, risk and vulnerability to HIV, substance use and sex work, substance use and physical and reproductive health and ways of coping and future planning.

The interplay of experiences illustrates how girls navigate their lives, and along with an appreciation of intersectionality validates the need for an integrated approach to health and social care related to health and mental health services. Integrated interventions should focus on common issues such as improving access to HIV testing and contraceptives for young girls living on the street.

This paper is the first to use the individual level, longitudinal catch-up growth of boys and girls in a historical population to measure their relative deprivation. The data is drawn from two government schools, the Marcella Street Home (MSH) in Boston, MA (1889–1898), and the Ashford School of the West London School District (1908–1917). The paper provides an extensive discussion of the two schools including the characteristics of the children, their representativeness, selection bias and the conditions in each school. It also provides a methodological introduction to measuring children’s longitudinal catch-up growth. After analysing the catch-up growth of boys and girls in the schools, it finds that there were no substantial differences between the catch-up growth by gender. Thus, these data suggest that there were not major health disparities between boys and girls in late-nineteenth-century America and early-twentieth-century Britain.

The purpose of this paper is to identify elements of success in the family reintegration of children with street connections who have experienced chronic violence and loss in the context of poverty. This paper outlines the application of complex trauma theory into a practice model developed by the JUCONI Foundation in Puebla, Mexico to help children and families prepare and manage reintegration.

This is a 15-month qualitative study involving semi-structured interviews with families and boys at three stages: preparing for return, in the first three months of reintegration and successfully reintegrated. The study comprises interviews with frontline workers and focus group discussions with the project team. In addition, six youths who did not return to their families were interviewed.

The study focuses on an attachment and trauma-based approach to family reintegration of street-connected children outside parental care. The findings highlight the need for careful preparation of both child and families (including siblings/extended family) prior to reunification. Preparation needs to focus on resolving the underlying problems that have led to the child being on the street and “phased” reintegration (beginning with visits to the family) is recommended. Follow-up visits/family work by staff are usually essential to ensure that child/youth and family adjust to each other. The theoretical framework and rationale behind the use of the tools and strategies described needs to be understood, so that they are used intentionally and consistently.

The study cohort involved only boys and other factors are likely to affect the reintegration of girls. The study took place in Mexico only and methods used by JUCONI need to be tested in other contexts.

The integration of children without parental care into families is an issue of critical interest, but there is currently very limited research or guidance on reintegration of children who have lived on the street, especially in low and middle income countries. The study should be of interest to practitioners interested in assessing whether safe and sustainable reintegration is possible and facilitating this. The paper may be of interest to practitioners working with children growing up without parental care who do not have “street connections”, but who have experienced chronic violence and loss.

This is the first study to describe the application of an attachment and trauma perspective to work with children who have lived on the street.

This paper explores “lessons learned” resulting from a process evaluation of a peer‐led HIV/AIDS prevention programme targeting street children and youth in urban Uganda. The purpose was to explore aspects of implementation that either enhanced or hindered the effectiveness of the peer educator (PE) role.

The process data derive from three reviews conducted throughout the project lifespan. The reviews engaged participatory evaluation methods such as focus groups (four) and workshops (three), as well as drawing on monitoring data such as activity evaluations.

The street youth in this project made effective peer educators. We suggest that letting the target group choose their peers and focusing on street youth undergoing rehabilitation engendered ownership of PEs by the target group and accountability among PEs themselves. The role was highly coveted and the PEs became powerful role models. The most useful work of the PEs lay in helping their peers to leave the risky environment of the streets, hence reducing their vulnerability to HIV/AIDS. By defining the role broadly and situating peer education activities within a broader strategy of capacity building and advocacy, we were able to remain sensitive to the context in which street youth make “choices” about their sexual behaviour.

This paper contributes significantly to our understanding of the effective implementation of the PE method in this setting. It will be particularly helpful to practitioners in the design stage of similar peer‐led programmes.

The purpose of this study was to explore children’s pathways through homelessness within the South African context, with particular attention paid to pathways out of homelessness. This study focusses on factors influencing children’s successful transitions out of homelessness.

A qualitative exploratory design was used, using interviews with nine children who had exited or were in the process of exiting homelessness. Interviews were conducted at a children’s shelter in Pietermaritzburg or in the children’s home environments. Interviews were analysed thematically.

An ecological framework was used to frame the factors influencing children’s pathways in, through and out of homelessness in the children’s narratives. These included institutions, relationships and intrapersonal strengths and resources. The study suggested that constructive relationships with shelter staff and parental figures, as well as intrapersonal strengths, were the most prominent factors in children successfully negotiating their way through their homelessness. The importance of a relationship with the paternal family within some African cultures was also a point of leverage.

Implications for policy and practise include the need for systemic change, as well as greater support for shelters and shelter staff. The issue of rivalry in the shelter context and the role of the paternal family in the reintegration process require more research attention. The research is limited to homeless children in Pietermaritzburg, South Africa.

This study provided feedback to the shelter regarding their strategies for assisting homeless children off the streets. It further provided evidence for the importance of the work of the shelter, to strengthen advocacy efforts. This may be useful to others in similar circumstances.

This study highlights the importance of macrosystemic interventions in the efforts to assist homeless children, while at the same time not ignoring the inter and intra, personal elements to enhancing their well-being.

This paper is singular in its exploration of factors influencing children’s successful transitions out of homelessness within the South African context.