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Corona has been used as a mask for the deepening crisis of the capitalist system. It deepened the damage of those who suffered the most from the system. It deepened the harm of precarious street workers even more, making living conditions difficult. Not enough resources were allocated to street workers, only pocket money and food packages. At the same time, the Corona crisis strengthened the streets, making the street more visible. Street workers prevented inflation by providing goods and food at low prices in poor neighbourhoods throughout the stay period. Many products with scarcity supplied by street workers. Millions of unemployed people became entrepreneurs in the form of new simple street jobs. Increasing number of street entrepreneurs attracted local governments. Local governments developed projects to regulate the sales by street vendors. Very small-scale street entrepreneurs also developed a sense of solidarity by establishing cooperatives among themselves. The surveys showed that the poor were in solidarity with street vendors. Even street vendors bought products directly from producers who could not sell their products, distributed for free in poor neighbourhoods or sold at half the price of markets. Street economy is the most important component of the social economy. It was once again understood that the streets are not a problem but, the system created the problem. Street economy is not a problem. It is a spontaneous solution to the problems and crises of capitalism.

Street economy (SE) is defined as the exchange of all kinds of goods and services in public areas, streets, street corners and squares. As in all sectors, SE is composed of two main parts as registered and unregistered. Again, it is divided into two parts as legitimate and illegitimate social and economic activities, in the extent of the limitlessness of human needs and the relatively limited resources. SE consists of all kinds of economic, social, cultural and artistic activities that are carried out on the streets. Virtual streets are added to real streets with globalisation and digitalisation. It is observed that the very small-scale street trade, which is expected and predicted to disappear in the last century, has become more widespread and effective in contrast to all these predictions and expectations. In this chapter, it is foreseen that the SE, with all its sub-sectors, has not yet been measured with its sub-sectors, and with its global buyers and sellers having reached the enormous dimensions that affect the daily life of 5 billion people out of the 8 billion world population. Quantitative indicators compiled from databases show that this set of street traders has reached a global trade volume of $30 trillion under the common denominators. With a volume of $30 trillion, SE has attracted the attention of the producers and investors of street robots as well as other entrepreneurs and researchers. SE, which has been expected to be eliminated and not seen as worthy by economists and politicians, has been the sole supplier of the needs of the poor, with hundreds of sub-sectors. It is seen as the easiest, most common job opportunity of the unemployed. In this chapter, the functions, its place in the city life, its added value at the local and national levels and its problems and global solution proposals of the SE, which is expected to become more important in the world agenda, will be discussed.

This chapter analyzes a specific form of contemporary art, the one that is created and exhibited in the community, conceived and visualized outside of the art market and independent of the agenda of creative industries and art galleries. The motivation, purpose and meaning of such art practices, for both the artists and the community, are discussed and examples of community art projects are analyzed in order to understand how art became, in this first quarter of the twenty-first century, such a valued collective asset, so accessible and present in the daily life of the common man. Two Portuguese case studies have been chosen as illustrations: the first one is a funding programme of projects focussed on artistic practices for inclusion (the PARTIS programme, by the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation) and the second is a self-financed and self-curated artistic collective, Pescada n^º 5.

Entrepreneurship creates wealth and reduces unemployment. Entrepreneurs contribute to industrialisation as well as to economic growth; they improve living standards and tax revenues from their enterprises contribute to a nation’s treasury. Not surprisingly, then, governments have been spending considerable sums trying to create entrepreneurs. The question remains, however, Can entrepreneurship really be taught? To provide a response of any value, one must address the definition of entrepreneurship. As evident from the literature, there is no universally‐accepted definition of entrepreneurs or of entrepreneurship. If entrepreneurship is equated with the causing of economic disequilibrium – as per the Schumpeterian literature – then one can argue that entrepreneurs tend to be born, rather than made. In contrast, if relying on the definition provided by the Austrian School of Economics, it is possible to train entrepreneurs to identify opportunities and act thereon. Thus, while it can be argued that it is difficult to teach Schumpeterian entrepreneurship, efforts to teach Kirznerian entrepreneurship appear to have achieved some levels of success. However, to be truly successful, training programmes must be relevant to the host environment. It would be a fallacy to assume that a programme that has been functional in one environment will necessarily have the same effect elsewhere. A great danger lies in attempting to trans‐locate training programmes. This article provides a survey of education and training of entrepreneurs in different contexts across Asia.

It could be argued that in Argentina, workers’ voice has never been silenced. In a legislative system protecting workers and politically and legally empowering trade unions, these organisations have historically represented workers. Voice however has never been limited to institutionalised and organisational forms. It has often exploded in informal ways out of workers’ experiences of the precariousness of their labour processes and of the contradictions generated between this and formal voice and representation. But it has also emerged in novel forms, through the occupation of factories, roads and public places, in moments of deep economic crisis or among groups of informally employed workers.

The case of Argentina certainly calls for a broader understanding of voice tied to the idea of voice as a socially and politically mediated process, through which formal and informal channels of voice can be alternatively created, destroyed and recreated.

The paper attempts to trace these multiple forms of voice in the recent social history of Argentina using ethnographic research conducted by the author.

This explorative paper considers the recent developments in the emerging small family business sector in post‐reform China as the country embraces socio‐economic and structural transition from a centrally planned to a market‐orientated system. The important contributions that Chinese small family firms play in the acceleration of private sector development across the social and industrial sectors as well as the geographic boundaries of the Pacific Rim are highlighted. The authors propose typologies of Chinese entrepreneurship and tentative enterprise policy recommendations for the future development of small private family businesses in China.