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This research examines how shadow economy affects foreign direct investment (FDI).

The study utilizes a panel dataset including 124 nations between 1997 and 2015. Information on shadow economy, FDI and macro-economic characteristics is obtained from the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and World Bank database. Various econometric methods are employed, such as the panel ordinary least squares (OLS) with fixed-effect estimator and the two-step system generalized method of moments estimation.

The findings of the study illustrate that shadow economy negatively influences total FDI inflows, and this adverse impact is mainly driven by greenfield investments – a component of FDI. Moreover, the authors provide evidence that the shadow economy has more devastating influences on FDI inflows in countries with higher corruption levels and fewer land resources.

Overall, this research suggests an important policy implication that the shadow economy should be controlled more strictly since it harms the FDI inflows, especially greenfield investment.

This research is among the first attempt of evaluating the effect of shadow economy on different FDI types. Furthermore, it examines how the shadow economy–FDI inflows nexus is changed when considering factors including corruption and land resource.

The study's objective is to examine the relevance of globalization in affecting the size of the shadow economy in selected African nations.

To do this, the authors employ the KOF globalization index and implement both static and dynamic common correlated mean group estimators on a panel of 24 African nations from 1995–2017. This technique accommodates the issue of cross-sectional dependence, sample bias and endogenous regressors. Panel threshold analysis is also conducted to establish the nonlinearity between globalization and the shadow economy. To examine the causality between the variables, the study employs Dumitrescu and Hurlin's panel causality test.

The results show that globalization reduces the size of the shadow economy. The results of the nonlinear analysis suggest a U-shaped relationship. Overall globalization has a threshold impact of 48.837%, economic globalization has 45.615% and political globalization has 66.661% while social globalization has a threshold value of 35.744%. The results of the panel causality show that there is a bidirectional causality between the two variables.

The results suggest that the government and other relevant authorities need to introduce capital controls and other policy measures to moderate the degree of social, political and cultural diffusion. Appropriate policies should be formulated to monitor the extent of African economic openness to other continents to maximize the gains from globalization.

Apart from being the first study in the African region that evaluates the relevance of globalization in controlling the shadow economy, it also analyzes the dynamics and threshold analysis between the two variables using advanced panel econometrics which makes the study unique. The study suggests that globalization tools are useful for affecting the size of the shadow economy in Africa. This study provides fresh empirical evidence on the impact of globalization on the shadow economy in the case of Africa.

The study aims at estimating the shadow economy (SE) using the method of demand for currency in Palestine for the period 2008–2018 by studying the relationship between a group of variables that affect the ratio of money traded outside the banking system to the money supply in the broad sense.

The study has adopted analytical and descriptive research methods to estimate SE in Palestinian territories. The data has been obtained from the inflation reports issued by the Palestinian Monetary Authority for ten years, from 2008 to 2018. A standard model was constructed using EViews version 8 for statistical data processing after converting the annual data to quarterly data.

The authors demonstrated that the size of the SE in Palestinian territories has varied over time, and the annual average of its size during the study period reached about $1764.893 (in millions). This amount constitutes about 15.5% of the gross domestic product. The study provides recommendations for reducing the size of the SE in Palestinian territories.

The current study shows that shadow economics could significantly matter for economic policy design by policymakers.

This study deals directly with Tanzi’s “estimation of shadow economy in Palestinian territories” concept and its impact on economic policies.

The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate the importance of studying the quasi-legal forms of informal economic behaviour that we know as the white informal economy. The paper also sheds light on the role of the informal economy in the financial crisis that started in 2008. Finally, the aim of the paper is also to encourage empirical research about these concepts.

The paper is theoretical and based on a literature review.

The paper implies that when discussing about informal economy, different sub-categories should continue to be used in order to distinguish the various forms of informal economic practices. There is a particular need for research on practices of economic activities that are legal but not always moral, yet severely damaging. For such activities, the authors propose the term/categorisation the “white informal economy”. Additionally, the authors argue that in the causal links of events that brought about the financial crisis the role of the white informal economy was significant.

The paper wishes to encourage further research on the topic of (white) informal economy that in turn would also create the scenario for proper policy development for tackling tax avoidance, tax evasion and future financial crises.

The paper adds to scholarship that takes a critical standpoint towards the financial crisis and to scholarship on the informal economy. It presents an attempt to stimulate further discussion about the connectivity of the informal economy and the financial crisis.

Response to suggestion that EU-wide cash payment limits would assist in the control of terrorism finance and money laundering.

Desk review and interviews

The inception impact assessment (IIA) is ill-conceived, not grounded on firm empirical evidence and harmful to both crime control and the legitimate interests and rights of the EU citizens. The action under discussion is presented as a measure against terrorism finance, serious crime and tax evasion. The problem is that these criminal acts correspond to very different methods, volumes, perpetrators, causes and control challenges. Cash payment limitations (CPLs) are nowhere near a panacea that can address all of them and cannot make any of them go away magically. Even when each of these crime challenges are considered on their own, the empirical linkage of CPLs to effective controls is not there. The evidence from EU countries with CPLs in place shows higher levels of informal economy, corruption, tax evasion and terrorism risks than those without. There is substantial evidence of non-cash, very serious and organized crime, while the amounts needed and used by terrorists in Europe are usually very small in cash transactions, way below the thresholds under consideration. In fact, determined offenders will shift to other methods and become more sophisticated, posing new problems to controllers. Displacement and incentives for better-organized crime may well be the main products of such measures.

It counters the argument that the cash payment limits can help reduce serious crime, while pointing to several adverse consequences on legitimate interests and human rights.

The paper aims to examine the impact of social capital on the size of the shadow economy in the BIRCS countries over the period 1995–2014.

The authors employ the Bayesian linear regression method to uncover the relationship between social capital and the shadow economy. The method applies a normal distribution for the prior probability distribution while the posterior distribution is determined using the Markov chain Monte Carlo technique.

The results indicate that the unemployment rate and tax burden positively affect the size of the shadow economy. By contrast, corruption control and trade openness are negatively associated with the development of this informal sector. Moreover, the paper's primary finding is that social capital represented by social trust and tax morale can hinder the size of the shadow economy.

This study is limited to the case of the BRICS countries for the period 1995–2014. The determinants of the shadow economy in different groups of countries can be heterogeneous. Moreover, social capital is a multidimensional concept that may consist of various components. This difficulty of measuring the social capital calls for further research on the relationship between other dimensions of social capital and the shadow economy.

Many studies investigate the effect of economic factors on the size of the shadow economy. This paper applies a new approach to discover the issue. Notably, the authors use the Bayesian linear regression method to analyze the relationship between social capital and the shadow economy in the BRICS countries.

This study explores the relationship between corruption and shadow economy (SE) by examining the potential links and interactions between these two phenomena to see whether it is a one-way or two-way relationship and a complementarity or substitution linkage.

Using a dataset comprised of 145 countries all over the world between 1996 and 2015, the authors apply the simultaneous two-step system generalized method of moments approach to address the research question.

The study findings support a positive bidirectional relationship between corruption and SE. As such, this study has provided evidence supporting the complementarity association. In the authors' further analyses, they point out that several factors can moderate this positive bidirectional linkage. In particular, while Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflows strengthen it, it is weakened by other institutional factors such as civil liberties and political rights. Finally, by splitting the full sample into three different subsamples and then examining countries at varying stages of economic development, the authors can gain valuable insights into the evolving dynamics of the relationship between corruption and SE. Specifically, while the authors observe that the positive direction of corruption to SE remains unchanged across different nations, they observe that the positive influence of SE on corruption is strongest among developed economies only.

The study findings provide an important policy implication. This study highlights the synergistic relationship between SE and corruption, indicating that reducing corruption will reduce the size of the SE. Consequently, this reduction in the SE can mitigate the adverse effects of corruption on economic development.

This paper is among the first empirical studies that critically investigate the interrelationship between SE and corruption. It then explores how this two-way linkage is conditional on some factors, such as economic development levels and institutional quality indicators.

Although the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic appears to disproportionately affect those in informal employment, they often receive less government support than the formally employed. This paper considers definitions of the informal economy and informal employment, explores the rationale for participating in the informal economy and reflects on some effects of the pandemic on these workers.

The paper presents a narrative literature review with analysis of the selected academic and policy literature.

There are considerable short- and long-term implications of the pandemic for informal employment and the informal economy. This occurs against the background of unresolved tensions arising from informal workers' desire for more employment security and employers' striving for continued labour flexibility while transferring costs to government and workers. The COVID-19 pandemic might accelerate current trends and force new solutions to better protect basic work security while helping organisations to remain competitive. Government policies supporting work safety, income security, moves to formalisation of employment and fairness for informal employees are particularly important.

As statistical and qualitative evidence is currently limited, it is too early to identify the full effects of COVID-19 on employment in the informal economy.

The results suggest that governments need to carefully consider explicit support for those in informal employment to create fair, resilient and ethical structures for workers, businesses, economies and wider societies.

The paper identifies some of the social implications of COVID-19 for the informal sector.

The analysis offers initial insights into the impacts of a major health, economic and social shock on informal working.

The paper validates the threshold argument in the informality–poverty nexus. Recent literature and policy have argued the existence of a threshold in the relationship.

The study adopts dynamic panel threshold analysis, estimated within the framework of system Generalized Method of Moments (SGMM) to control for endogeneity and simultaneity. Data from 40 selected sub-Saharan African countries between 1991 and 2018 are used for the study.

Empirical results confirm the existence of an average threshold of 31% share of informality in GDP. Also, the paper finds that threshold of informality that addresses mild and severe poverty varies between 24.32 and 36.75%.

The work is limited to African economies. Evidence from other emerging and developed economies is suggested for further research.

Overall, the empirical results indicate a threshold in the informality–poverty nexus. Therefore, an excessive informality level does not benefit the African growth process. Policymakers and governments are advised to operate within the bounds of the threshold of informality that reduces poverty and improve the African economic growth process.

The paper is the first study to provide empirical findings on the nonlinear and threshold argument in the informality–poverty nexus, as far as the authors know.

This article intends to investigate on the undeclared work (UW) by involving several features, which can be evaluated throughout a set of appropriate variables. The REBUS-PLS (Response Based procedure for detecting Unit Segments–Partial Least Squares) has been proposed in order to support policy decisions targeted to this heterogeneous scenario. The authors refer to Italy, due to the disparity of its territorial districts, but the conclusions can be extended to different European countries.

A total of 2,877,000 firms has been involved for empirical analysis. The manifest variables have been obtained by fixing both NACE codes and the NUTS2 level.

The analysis confirms that the model is suitable to evaluate the effects of the indicators connected to ‘Labour force’, ‘Tax system’, ‘Non-Profit Organizations’, and ‘Migrants’. Special prominence has been dedicated to the labour inspections' features.

If the management designs the policy actions by using the model proposed, a critical evaluation of the implications is needed, by focusing different perspectives and several weaknesses.

Assuming that the Italian regions are relatively homogeneous, results reveal no significant correlations to the UW, except for the taxes. In contrast, the involvement of the heterogeneity shows that the UW significantly depends on the changes of Labour force, Tax system and NPOs dimensions, in 11 out of 18 Italian regions. No clear evidence emerges from Migrants feature, which seems to have a negatively impact on the UW.

To the authors' knowledge, compared to the previous research papers, the analysis of the UW via REBUS-PLS and the mentioned manifest variables, has never been undertaken so far.