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Contemporaneously, the crime of rape has experienced an increase in reporting. The majority of rape survivors continue to experience, however, extensive victimisation due to biased attitudes held by many people and organisations within the general population. The paper aims to discuss these issues.

In a quantitative study with a sample of 176 participants, this research aimed to explore sexuality and religiosity as factors that affect attitudes towards survivors of rape.

Results indicated that negative attitudes towards rape survivors could be predicted by rape myth acceptance. While the sexuality of the victim affected attitudes towards rape survivors and negative attitudes towards survivors were also found to be predicted by high religiosity scores, analyses concluded that both males and females perceived gay male victims with more negative attitudes in comparison to lesbian rape survivors. Male participants demonstrated, overall, more negative attitudes towards rape survivors than their female counterparts. In sum, sexuality and religiosity were concluded to be crucial factors in explaining blame attributions.

This study indicates: (1) the effect of social correlates other than gender on rape myths; (2) the effect sexuality has on the perception of rape myths; and (3) the effect religiosity has on the perception of rape myths. This study also reveals implications for the reporting, prosecution and conviction of rape cases that may be subject to bias and discrimination due to victim characteristics other than gender.

Attitudes towards rape survivors based on social correlates other than gender have received little attention within existing literature and research. This paper adds to this discussion by considering the affects of sexuality and religiosity which have implications for the reporting of such a crime.

This study seeks to examine whether blame and fault assigned to victims and perpetrators in a hypothetical sexual violence case are distinct conceptually, and whether they are affected by gender of participant, perpetrator and victim.

Participants read an incident of either female or male rape, perpetrated by either a female or a male, and assigned attributions of blame and fault to both victims and perpetrators. Participants also completed Burt's Rape Myth Acceptance Scale.

Findings showed that none of the independent variables had any effect on victim attributions of blame and fault, only affecting blame and fault assigned to perpetrators. Perpetrators of male victim rape were assigned more blame than perpetrators of female victim rape. In terms of fault: male participants reduced the amount of fault that they attributed to female perpetrators relative to male perpetrators; and female participants increased the amount of fault that they attributed to female perpetrators relative to male perpetrators. In addition, greater endorsement of traditional sex‐role attitudes and rape myths was associated with higher rape victim blame.

Findings are discussed in relation to social norms, social categorisation theory and differential focus of specific rape victim vs rape victims in general.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between athletic participation and the acceptance of rape myths in an effort to further identify cultural and social institutions that may contribute to adherence to and glorification of rape culture.

A random sample of 685 first semester, university freshmen were surveyed about their high school sports participation and levels of rape myth acceptance (RMA). Linear regression models were estimated to examine the relationships between participation in sports, the type of sport participation and the acceptance of rape myths.

Those involved in athletics, generally, and those involved in team sports are more accepting of rape myths than are their counterparts. These results hold true for the full sample and for males and females, when examined separately. Participation in contact sports was not significantly predictive of RMA.

Athletics may provide a culture that is particularly prone to a belief in rape myths, which jeopardizes the integrity of collegiate sports. Policies should focus on changing offender behavior not victim behavior to create safer and more inclusive communities. Educating youth about the nature of rape myths and providing them with skills to resist such thinking is paramount. Focused programs and training could reduce the likelihood of accepting rape myths and, in turn, may make high school and college campuses safer.

This paper contributes to prior research by examining a sample of first semester university freshmen about their high school athletic participation and RMA. This research not only minimizes the effects of college level influences but also distinguishes between different forms of athletic involvement.

According to statistics by the US National Sexual Violence Resource Center, more than 50% of women claim they have been raped by an intimate partner or an acquaintance. In this experiment, the authors test whether exposing individuals to different types of images portraying the victim and their perpetrator influences individuals' perception of (1) the perpetrator's deserved punishment and (2) the role played by the victim in her rape.

In an experimental survey, the authors randomly treat groups of individuals with manipulated facial and physical expressions of the same photographs.

The authors find that news about rape are more or less effective in uncovering the seriousness of the crime independent of the pictures accompanying them, suggesting media should avoid their misusage.

While the role of the narrative of rape has been extensively discussed in the literature from a theoretical perspective, this research provides original evidence based on actual behavioural response.

In order to understand how collegiate athletics fits within the wider problem of sexual violence on college campuses, the purpose of this paper is to start with an examination of the overall scope of the issue of sexual violence in the USA and the larger culture that produces it. Next, the relevant laws and adjudication of sexual violence operant in American colleges are outlined. Finally, college athletics is placed into this bigger context by highlighting a number of particular cases to illustrate a broader understanding of collegiate athletes involved in sexual violence.

The author examines the history of rape laws and adjudication and the federal laws relevant to institutions of higher education. The author investigates the debate over adjudication of sexual violence within the criminal justice system or through campus systems. The author read previous literature to determine links between sexual violence and collegiate athletes and highlights particular cases that have gotten significant media attention for clues to the rape prone culture that can be fostered within collegiate athletics.

This analysis highlights how collegiate athletics can be a context that creates a rape prone culture and that universities and the criminal justice system need further reform to overcome long-standing beliefs in rape myths which perpetuate sexual violence, discourage reporting by victims of sexual violence, deter bystander intervention and underplay the impact of sexual violence on victims. Thus, structural changes are needed within collegiate athletic cultures as well as on college campuses to address sexual violence.

College campuses and athletic departments must address climates that create rape prone cultures. There remains a need for systematic data collection of perpetrators of sexual violence, along side data collection of experiences of sexual violence. College campuses and athletic departments must have in place procedures and policy that adhere to federal law, whereby athletes are not treated differently from non-athletes and victims are offered appropriate services that recognize the trauma of sexual violence. Further progress toward a standard of affirmative consent is needed to move toward greater sexual autonomy for everyone.

There is evidence that collegiate athletes are disproportionately represented among the population of sexual violence perpetrators on college campuses. Thus, it is vital to understand this population and that connection. The value of this work is to explicate the complicated adjudication process between university disciplinary processes and the criminal justice system.

In‐depth interviews with eight female victims of rape in Ibadan, Nigeria were used to explore the context in which the coercive incident occurred, the health‐seeking behaviours that followed and the consequences of this experience in victims' lives. The mean age of the women was 17 years. In all cases, perpetrators of rape were persons with whom the women were acquainted. Rape occurred mainly in familiar and private settings. Rarely do victims communicate the incident to family or friends or report the incident to the enforcement authorities. The stigma associated with rape is a primary barrier to seeking care. Interventions are proposed to address these problems.

The purpose of this paper is to explore whether the voluntary sector meets male rape victims’ needs in England, UK. The author’s contribution represents an attempt to piece together some of the voluntary sector’s responses to male rape victims in England, UK and examine whether they meet male rape victims’ needs.

The author draws on data collected from semi-structured interviews and qualitative questionnaires with male rape counsellors, therapists and voluntary agency caseworkers (n=70).

The findings reveal nuanced themes that have been overlooked in the existing literature of male rape: first, male rape victims are not given a choice of their voluntary agency practitioner (regarding gender) to serve them; second, there is no specific training on male rape in voluntary agencies; third, the impact of limited resources and funding in the voluntary sector means that many male rape victims’ needs are unmet; and finally, there is ageism and discrimination in some voluntary agencies, whereby male rape victims are prioritised in terms of their age.

Methodologically, the author’s sample size was not considerably large (n=70), making it difficult to generalise the findings to all voluntary agency practitioners in a British context.

At a time of scarce funding and scant resources for the third sector, the impact of limited resources and funding in the voluntary sector could mean that male rape victims may not receive proper care and treatment. Budget cuts in the third sector are problematic, in that voluntary agencies may be unable to get access to robust training programs for male rape or to resources that can help shape and develop the ways in which they serve male rape victims. The needs of male rape victims, therefore, are unlikely to be met at the local, regional and national levels.

Some practitioners are misinformed about male rape and do not have the tools to be able to adequately and efficiently handle male rape victims. Not only can their lack of understanding of male rape worsen male rape victims’ trauma through inappropriate ways of handling them, but also the practitioners may implicitly reinforce male rape myths, such as “male rape is solely a homosexual issue” or “men cannot be raped”.

Whilst previous contributions have recognised the third sector’s responses to female rape victims, little work has been done to identify their treatment of male rape victims. The author attempts to fill some of this lacuna. In particular, The author draws attention to some of the issues and dilemmas that arise when voluntary agencies provide services for male victims of rape. The author’s concern is that many male rape victims’ needs may be neglected or ignored because of the rise in neoliberalism, as there appears to be a financial meltdown in the voluntary sector.

Assumptions are often made that women police officers will respond more sympathetically to rape complainants than their male colleagues. In the research study presented here, 48 women complainants of rape and sexual assault expressed their views of the extent to which they considered the gender of the interviewing officer to be important and commented on the ways in which the men and women involved with their case interacted with them. The results showed that, overall, gender per se was not the determining factor of complainant satisfaction. Professionalism, warmth and sensitivity were the qualities most desired and these were not exclusively associated with gender. This suggests that not only is it possible for some male officers to be sensitive victim interviewers, but also that being female does not automatically denote possession of the key attributes required for victim interviewing. Some rape complainants, however, expressed a strong preference for women officers. This places the onus on the police not simply to provide a woman officer – the “any woman will do” scenario – but to ensure the availability of trained and experienced women and men officers.

The Prison Rape Elimination Act has brought significant attention to the issue of sexual victimization within correctional institutions. While the actual risk of sexual victimization remains low, the perception of rape among inmates is high. Given how one’s fear can translate into behavior, understanding how institutions impact the culture surrounding prison rape highlights areas for reducing violence within prisons. The paper aims to discuss these issues.

This study includes secondary analysis of a quantitative database created from semi-structured interviews with 564 high security, general population inmates. Using fear of rape as the outcome of interest, bivariate and logistic regression analyses are used to comment on the impact of individual and facility level characteristics on this outcome.

In general, the results from this study suggest that the greatest risk factors for fearing rape while in prison are being male, having a mental health issue, and hearing about rape within the institution. From these specific findings a few general lessons can be learned with the hope that practitioners can translate these lessons into policy initiatives in order to combat fear of rape among our inmate population.

This paper aims to fill a gap in the research on how the facility contributes to the fear of rape within prison. The end goal is to inform policy makers so that suggestions can be made to combat this problem and prevent further misconduct within these facilities.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate how male and female rape is scripted.

In total, 100 (50 male, 50 female) participants were asked to write down in their own words what they considered to be the typical rape when the victim was either an adult male or female.

Results revealed that men's and women's rape scripts did not dramatically differ, though several differences were revealed between male and female rape scripting, focussing around the gender stereotypes of men verses women.

Results are discussed in relation to gender role stereotyping and wider implications are considered.