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Political skill is measured with the political skill inventory (PSI), and the construct is composed of four distinct dimensions. Previous validation studies of the PSI found evidence in support of the four‐factor structure, but only using self‐reports. Furthermore, no efforts have been made to also identify a single, higher‐order factor solution through second‐order factor analysis. The present research aims to expand on prior work and report on a two‐study investigation of both the construct validity and antecedents and consequences of the political skill construct.

To test construct validity, Study 1 combined self‐ and other reports of political skill from 467 employees in a confirmatory factor analysis. Study 2 used longitudinal data from 202 employees to constructively replicate Study 1 results and to test hypotheses regarding the antecedents and consequences of political skill.

The results of Study 1 confirmed both a four‐factor and a single higher‐order factor solution of the political skill construct, thus supporting our hypothesis. Study 2 constructively replicated the Study 1 factorial validity results, and supported hypotheses regarding the dispositional and developmental experience antecedents, career‐related consequences, and mediation of these antecedents and outcomes by political skill.

These two studies test the construct validity of political skill using both self‐ and other‐reports. Further, this is the first research to test the Ferris et al. conceptualization of political skill, by examining its antecedents, consequences, and mediation of the antecedents‐consequences relationships.

Based on social influence theory (SIT) and social capital theory, this paper aims to explore the mediating role of entrepreneurial networks between technological entrepreneurs' political skills and entrepreneurial performance and whether market dynamics positively moderates this relationship.

This study collected data from 454 technological entrepreneurs in Beijing, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Guangzhou, Zhengzhou in China and examined four hypotheses by hierarchical regression analysis and bootstrapping analysis in an empirical design.

Results reveal that technological entrepreneurs' political skills not only have a direct positive impact on entrepreneurial performance (β = 0.544, t = 12.632, p < 0.001), but also have an indirect positive impact on entrepreneurial performance through entrepreneurial networks (β = 0.473, t = 10.636, p < 0.001). Entrepreneurial networks play a mediating role between entrepreneurs' political skills and entrepreneurial performance with 95% bias-corrected confidence intervals [0.034, 0.015]. Market dynamics plays a moderating role in the relationship among technological entrepreneurs' political skills, entrepreneurial networks and entrepreneurial performance (entrepreneurial performance: β = 0.190, t = 4.275, p < 0.001; entrepreneurial networks: β = 0.135, t = 4.455, p < 0.001). When market dynamics is high, technological entrepreneurs' political skills have a significant positive effect on entrepreneurial networks (simple slope = 0.309, t = 7.656, p < 0.001); but when market dynamics is low, there is no significant correlation between political skills and entrepreneurial networks (simple slope = 0.039, t = 0.966, p > 0.05).

The study relies on self-reported data from single informants. Although the severity of common method bias is tested through two methods, future research designs should avoid the influence of common method bias. Future research should adopt a vertical tracking design, collect data from multiple sources and use subjective assessment and objective indicators to measure variables. In addition, the applicability of the results outside China is worth further empirical exploration. Therefore, the authors hope that future studies can replicate the research to different countries, different cultural backgrounds and different organizational sections to explore the generalizability of the results.

The findings provide useful suggestions for entrepreneurs, who can use political skills to build a strong entrepreneurial network to improve their entrepreneurial performance. The results also suggest that entrepreneurs should pay more attention to cultivating and developing their political skills through methods such as training and practice. In addition, the conclusion is of great implications to enrich the content of entrepreneurship education and guide entrepreneurship practice.

These findings enrich SIT and social capital theory by providing the empirical evidence of the effect of entrepreneurs' political skills on entrepreneurial performance through entrepreneurial network. They also provide deeper insights into market dynamics research by uncovering the moderating role of market dynamics in the relationship between entrepreneurs' political skills, entrepreneurial networks and entrepreneurial performance.

The purpose of this paper is to explore and develop a model which examines the effects of political skill on an individual’s intent to deceive.

Data were obtained through a survey research design (n=273). The sample consisted of college students. A covariance-based structural equation modeling approach was used to analyze the data.

Individual’s with high levels of political skill had more deception confidence and less deception guilt. Increased deception confidence was shown to be positively related to perceptions of deception success which is turn is positively associated with deception intent. The factors duping delight and deception guilt were also found to be related to deception intent.

This research furthers deception research by using a strong behavioral framework to determine the motivational influences on an individual’s politically motivated intent to deceive. In doing so, this research identifies factors which contribute to the general understanding of politically motivated deception intent. However, caution must be applied when making external generalizations outside of the sample of college students.

There are practical applications to this research as well. In general those who are highly politically skilled seem to have a stronger intention to deceive. At best, these findings can begin to contribute to the understanding of who we can trust and who we should be wary of. At worst, these findings can help us know who we should turn to when we need to deceive and manipulate others without them catching on. Perhaps this is why we love the rock-star politicians on the side of the isle but loathe the rock-star politicians on the other side of the isle. If we are able to assess the level of political skill in our friends, co-workers, bosses, politicians, etc., we may be keener in picking up on the signals of deception.

One final area of future research which can build on the concepts presented in this study is the area of social and political power at the macro level. Though the focus of this study is the individual, it is possible that political skill and deceptive communications play an important part of power relationships in wide range of stable institutional systems. Future research should examine to what extent an individual’s political skill and deception abilities can influence society at large.

This research extends research on political skill as it explores the effect of political skill in a new context. This research identifies an important facet of why some individuals are better able than others to successfully deceive and may help explain some of the variability in the inability to consistently detect deception efforts.

As a counterproductive interpersonal work behavior, knowledge hiding inhibits team creativity, hampers collaboration and ultimately has a detrimental impact on organizational performance. Drawing upon the impression management perspective. This study aims to investigate how and when employees’ political skill affects their knowledge-hiding behavior in real work contexts.

The authors tested the hypotheses using data gathered from 266 employees in China using a time-lagged research design.

The results indicate that political skill positively influences knowledge hiding through the supplication strategy. Moreover, the positive effect of political skill on this strategy is stronger under higher levels of competition.

A cross-sectional design and the use of self-report questionnaires are the limitations of this study.

The authors contribute to the literature on the emergence of knowledge hiding by identifying an impression management perspective. The authors also contribute to the literature on political skill by exploring the potential negative effects of political skill in the interpersonal interaction. Moreover, the authors enrich the understanding of the literature in competitive climate by introducing the impression management theory and exploring its influence on knowledge floating.

This chapter builds on previous research that conceptualized organizational politics as an organizational stressor. After reviewing the studies that integrated the occupational stress literature with the organizational politics literature, it discusses the negative implications of the use of intimidation and pressure by supervisors, implications that have generally been overlooked. Specifically, the chapter presents a conceptual model positing that the use of intimidation and pressure by supervisors creates stress in their subordinates. This stress, in turn, affects subordinates’ well-being, evident in higher levels of job dissatisfaction, job burnout, and turnover intentions. The stress also reduces the effectiveness of the organization, reflected in a high absenteeism rate, poorer task performance, and a decline in organizational citizenship behavior. The model also maintains that individual differences in emotional intelligence and political skill mitigate the stress experienced by subordinates, resulting from the use of intimidation and pressure by their supervisors. In acknowledging the destructive implications of such behavior in terms of employees’ well-being and the productivity of the organization, the chapter raises doubts about the wisdom of using it, and advises supervisors to rethink its use as a motivational tool. Implications of this chapter, as well as future research directions, are discussed.

The purpose of this study is to predict cooperation in negotiation through the lens of individual differences. Specifically, this paper examines how a social competence variable called “political skill” relates to cooperation and subsequent effects on negotiation process, outcomes and negotiator reputation. The authors demonstrate how political skill fits in the evolving literature focusing on individual differences in negotiation by comparing political skill to a wide range of other individual difference measures.

This study was conducted by assessing individual difference measures at the beginning of graduate-level negotiation courses and tracking negotiation behaviors and outcomes over several months. This approach was chosen to minimize the potential for short, time-limited interactions to mask existing relationships. It also allowed the authors to include multiple negotiation interactions, which takes a broader view of negotiation performance, and assess negotiator reputation by allowing it to emerge over time.

The results of this study show that political skill, self-rated at the beginning of this study, is significantly related to a negotiator’s overall use of cooperative behavior as rated by peers. Political skill also showed a significant relationship with reputation for cooperativeness and aggregate outcomes in negotiations. These results control for other individual difference measures such as personality, implicit negotiation beliefs, social value orientation and negotiation self-efficacy.

Using a method that allows the effects of an individual difference to materialize over time, this study empirically establishes the connection between political skill and negotiation reputation, process and outcomes. The methodological contributions of this study explore the relations between self-rated individual difference variables, peer-rated cooperative behaviors and objective coded negotiation outcomes in evaluating political skill in negotiation.

Previous research on the factors influencing mentoring received has primarily focused on protégés' personalities and the similarity between protégés and mentors, whereas understanding on the role of protégés' skills is still limited. Drawing upon the social influence theory, this study investigated how newcomers' political skill influences newcomers' mentoring received and further affects newcomers' socialization outcomes (i.e. person-organization fit perception [P-O fit], performance proficiency and well-being).

Data were collected from 255 newcomers at a large Chinese information and technology (IT) company using a three-wave, time-lagged design.

The authors found that newcomers' political skill positively predicted mentoring received, which in turn positively affected newcomers' socialization outcomes.

These findings indicate that political skill enables newcomers to exert social influence on organizational insiders to achieve desirable socialization outcomes, enlarging both the mentoring and political skill literature.

Although reputation is important to career success, little is known about how individuals develop their personal reputation at work. This study seeks to investigate the role of work relationship quality and citizenship behavior as partial mediators of the political skill‐personal reputation relationship.

In total, 145 triads from a manufacturer in the Midwestern USA provided data for the study. Employees rated their political skill and citizenship behavior, supervisors rated their relationship quality, and coworkers rated the employees' personal reputation. Based on the complementary theories of signaling and social exchange, the relationships between the constructs were analyzed with structural equation modeling.

Political skill demonstrated both direct and indirect effects on the development of personal reputation. In particular, work relationship quality and citizenship behavior partially mediated the relationship between political skill and personal reputation.

Personal reputation was evaluated by a randomly selected coworker, but a collection of perceptions would be helpful.

Political skill training and/or mentoring relationships may help individuals manage their personal reputation at work, thus benefiting their careers.

This study focused on personal reputation in a work environment. However, the results also may be useful to individuals in different types of organizations.

This is one of the first studies to investigate how individuals develop their personal reputation at work. Unlike previous research that used self‐evaluations of personal reputation, this study used peer evaluations, which is more appropriate for the construct.

The purpose of this paper is to explore the associations between emotional intelligence (EI) and both political skill and job satisfaction, as well as the possibility that political skill mediates the relationship between EI and job satisfaction.

The data, collected from a sample of 368 employees, were analyzed using structural equation modeling.

EI was positively related to political skill and job satisfaction. In addition, the findings show that political skill mediates the relationship between EI and job satisfaction.

The research highlights the importance of EI and political skill in the workplace.

EI training may be employed by organizations and human resource managers to enhance employees’ EI.

Not enough research attention has been paid to exploring the interplay between EI and organizational politics. The current study clarifies the relationship between EI and political skill in the work arena. Moreover, this study found political skill to be a mediator in the relationship between EI and job satisfaction. Given that in the main the literature has neglected the possibility that political skill might act as a mediator and/or affect work attitudes/behaviors, findings from the current study broaden the scope through which the role of political skill in the workplace can be viewed.

This paper aims to address following three research questions: Are employees with high political skill willing to do extra-role behavior? Can leader–member exchange (LMX) affect organizational citizenship behavior (OCB)? Can perception of organizational politics (POP) influence LMX?

The paper is based on a survey of 227 questionnaires. Multiple linear regression analysis was used.

Findings indicate that employees’ political skill not only are helpful for them in dealing with the relationship with their leaders, but also can stimulate their OCB. The paper also shows that the mediation effect of POP is not obvious when they handle LMX.

This paper’s main contributions are as follows: When studying new generation employees, many managers find that their accumulated experience of management is ineffective in applying to this group of new generation employees. In Chinese culture, new organizational and new employee environment relationship can be regarded normal, positive and beneficial to the development of new generation employees. New generation employees use their own political skills to handle LMX; they are not well aware of POP.