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Purpose – Although scholars have long been interested in how social movements use mass media to forward their goals, sociological research almost exclusively focuses on the ability of activist groups to get their ideas and organizations in general audience, mainstream media coverage. This paper contributes to a more systematic understanding of media coverage outcomes by broadening the range of outlets considered relevant to political discourse. In addition to mainstream venues, we consider conservative and liberal/left outlets in our analysis of social movement organization media coverage.

Method – Using negative binomial regression, we analyze how organizational characteristics, organizational frames, political elites, and event type affect the rates of social movement organization media coverage in mainstream and partisan news venues.

Findings – We find that the independent variables play very different roles in mainstream and partisan media coverage outcomes. Specifically, while organizational characteristics and frames often enhance the media coverage outcomes of activist groups in mainstream venues, political elites have no effect at all. In contrast, organizational characteristics and frames do not affect social movement media coverage in partisan outlets, whereas political elites and event type do.

Originality of the paper – Conceptually, this research broadens how scholars think about the relationship between social movement groups and mass media as well as the factors that influence media outcomes.

The purpose of this study is to serve a political-cultural perspective on the environmental movement in Israel through an examination of the organizations’ impact on the shaping of geographic space, the political system, and the general culture. The practical expression of political cultures is examined through an analysis of prominent organizations’ activism as manifested in seven representative environmental campaigns waged over the last four decades. The study is qualitative in nature, and as such is based on in-depth interviews with numerous actors from the environmental arena – institutions, NGOs, the business sector, and academia. The originality of the study is to deeper the cultural aspects of the phenomenon.

Some of the findings regarding the effectiveness of the environmental campaigns are showing that there is significant gap between the political system and the civil society in Israel, relating the environmental issue as a whole: while the first still see it as a marginal sector, the Israeli public and local leadership has made a change in the attitude toward environmental issues. This cultural gap is due to the difference in cultural values, between the local and national level.

The aim of this paper is to investigate whether or not political skill helps women working in a male-dominated environment to obtain positions with authority.

Surveys were emailed to female lawyers working full-time in a variety of law firms across the USA. Participants were 140 lawyers with an average of ten years of practicing law.

In support of their hypotheses, the authors found that when working in male-dominated organizations, women with high levels of political skill fared better than women with low levels of political skill in terms of obtaining positions with authority.

Because the research design was cross-sectional, direction of causality cannot be established. Second, common method bias may have affected the observed relationships.

Given that women with political skill may be able to recognize and break down the barriers that are especially present in male-dominated organizations, women and managers alike should consider training to help women understand and enhance their political skill.

This research highlights the particular challenge of workplace politics for women and presents political skill as a potential solution.

This research is the first to demonstrate the benefit of having political skill for women working in male-dominated organizations.

Viable systems theory is a development of managerial cybernetics within a critical systems theory context. The theory not only addresses cybernetics, it also shows how politics is fundamental to it. Politics used power and power processes to shape structures, manipulate information, and influence the way that people behave. The concept of centripetal politics used by Ionescu in his discussion of the changes over the last century to society is applied to organisations and their political processes. The outcome suggests the possibility of a political map that has the potential to explain organisational behaviour.

This book is a policy proposal aimed at the democratic left. It is concerned with gradual but radical reform of the socio‐economic system. An integrated policy of industrial and economic democracy, which centres around the establishment of a new sector of employee‐controlled enterprises, is presented. The proposal would retain the mix‐ed economy, but transform it into a much better “mixture”, with increased employee‐power in all sectors. While there is much of enduring value in our liberal western way of life, gross inequalities of wealth and power persist in our society.

Political skill is a valued resource employees use to achieve success. Earlier research has mostly focused on the effect of political skill on others rather than on the self of the politically skilled individuals. Specifically, there is disconnect between political skill and employee engagement research as both these fields have been growing in isolation. Drawing from theories of engagement and conservation of resources, this study bridges this gap in knowledge by investigating how political skill leads to job and organization engagement of politically skilled employees via impacting their self-evaluations of organization-based self-esteem (OBSE) and organizational identification.

Using a survey method, data were obtained from 188 employees who worked in three private schools of Lahore, Pakistan. Structural equation modeling was used to test the proposed model.

This study found that individuals who used political skill by practicing social astuteness, interpersonal influence, networking and sincerity rated themselves high in OBSE and organizational identification. As a consequence, high OBSE enhanced their job engagement, whereas high organizational identification increased their organization engagement.

This study is one of the first studies to present political skill as a driver of job and organization engagement. It reveals that the self-evaluations of OBSE and organizational identification mediate the political skill–engagement relations in unique manners.

Researchers have identified various recruiter and organization characteristics that individually influence staffing effectiveness. In extending contemporary research, the purpose of this paper is to address a straightforward question unexamined in previous research, namely, does recruiter political skill interact with organization reputation to influence applicant attraction in the recruitment process? Specifically, the authors hypothesized that for recruiters high in political skill, as organization reputation increases, applicant attraction to the organization increases. Alternatively, for recruiters low in political skill, as organization reputation increases, there is no change in applicant attraction to the organization.

Three studies were conducted to create the experimental manipulation materials, pilot test them and then conduct tests of the hypotheses. Study 1 created and tested the content validity of the recruiter political skill script. Study 2 reported on the effectiveness of the recruiter political skill experimental manipulation, whereby a male actor was hired to play the part of a recruiter high in political skill and one low in political skill. Finally, Study 3 was the primary hypothesis testing investigation.

Results from a 2×2 between-subjects experimental study (N=576) supported the hypotheses. Specifically, high recruiter political skill and favorable organization reputation each demonstrated significant main effects on applicant attraction to the organization. Additionally, the authors hypothesized, and confirmed, a significant organization reputation × recruiter political skill interaction. Specifically, findings demonstrated that increases in organization reputation resulted in increased applicant attraction to the organization for those exposed to a recruiter high in political skill. However, the effect was not for a recruiter low in political skill.

Despite the single source nature of data collections, the authors took steps to minimize potential biasing factors (e.g. time separation, including affectivity). Future research will benefit from gathering multiple sources of data. In addition, no experimental research to date exists, examining political skill in a laboratory context. This finding has important implications for the growing research base on political skill in organizations.

First impressions are lasting impressions, and it is very costly to organizations when recruiters lose good candidates due to the failure to make a memorable and favorable impression. This paper supports the use of political skill in the recruitment process and highlights its capability to influence and attract job applicants to organizations successfully.

Despite its scientific and practical appeal, the causal effects of political skill on important work outcomes in an experimental setting have not been formally investigated. As the first experimental investigation of political skill, the authors can see more clearly and precisely what political skill behaviors of recruiters tend to influence applicant attraction to organizations in the recruitment process.

This chapter offers an analysis of the decision code of Khaled Mashal, the former leader of the Hamas organization. Using the Applied Decision Analysis (ADA) method, it examines five decisions made by Mashal in 2011–2017. The analysis suggests that Mashal tends to use mainly the poliheuristic decision rule in these decisions, and considers the political-organizational dimension of Hamas as non-compensatory. Thus, Mashal made these decisions by first eliminating any alternative which risked his organization’s political status, and only then he rationally chose the alternative with the greatest expected utility from the remaining ones.

This chapter considers some of the divergent outcomes of youth mobilization and participation in offline spaces, particularly in the youth nonprofit. Critics of youth online political participation detail several shortcomings of online activism as compared to offline activism, but in so doing, these critics venerate offline activism as a utopic alternative. Based on qualitative research in three organizations that mobilize youth around issues of education reform, this chapter demonstrates that the offline youth activist nonprofit fosters political power among some youth while burning out other youth. For teenage activists, these nonprofit organizations offer political education, institutional leverage, and foster political efficacy. At the same time, older youth organizers who are paid staff in these same organizations struggle with having to reign in the radicalism of the youth they mentor, while performing invisible labor around the demands of their organizational funders. These organizational pressures work to burn out youth organizers and steer them away from politics. Online forms of youth activism bring about outcomes that both enhance the political capacities of youth as well as hinder their potential to transform social injustices. Far from utopic, offline movement contexts also foster these contradictory outcomes and should be considered more critically in the debates over the merits of offline versus online activism.