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Article
Publication date: 4 September 2007

Joseph P. McGarrity

This paper aims to examine why a legislature would repeal an interest group deal. Design/methodology/approach–This paper provides a case study of the House of Representatives’…

Abstract

Purpose

This paper aims to examine why a legislature would repeal an interest group deal. Design/methodology/approach–This paper provides a case study of the House of Representatives’ roll call reversal on the Brady Bill. The House voted against the Brady Bill in 1988 giving a victory to pro‐gun interest groups. It then reversed itself and voted for the Brady Bill in 1993.

Findings

This paper finds that changes in the democratic party leadership may be responsible for the House's policy reversal on gun control.

Practical implications

These findings suggest that in a principal–agent relationship, the agent has some discretion. In this case, the principal (elected members of a party in the US House) hires an agent (its leadership) to organize their teamwork to produce legislative output. The leadership has some discretion in making interest group deals.

Originality/value

The paper shows how changes in leadership reduce the durability of interest group deals.

Details

Humanomics, vol. 23 no. 3
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 0828-8666

Keywords

Article
Publication date: 22 April 2020

Nadia Loukil

The purpose of this study tests whether political instability influence financial decision-making behavior of Tunisian-listed firms, in particular dividend payout policy.

Abstract

Purpose

The purpose of this study tests whether political instability influence financial decision-making behavior of Tunisian-listed firms, in particular dividend payout policy.

Design/methodology/approach

This paper uses dividend payout decisions announced over the period 2008–2015 by nonfinancial firms listed on the Tunisian Stock Exchange. A logistic regression is applied to analyze the relationship between political instability and dividend payout decision “changes. These latter are: past non-payers” dividend initiation, past payers' dividend termination, dividend payout “increasing and dividend payout” decreasing. Political instability variables used are as follows: number of changes in government head and dummy variables indicating the changes of ruling party and election year.

Findings

This study shows that government head changes are positively related to dividend initiation decisions while changes in ruling party are negatively related to termination dividend decisions except for family controlled ones. These firms are more likely to stop dividend on period of ruling party changes. Moreover, firms become unwilling to increase dividend payment on the period of political instability (changes in ruling party and government head and elections) and become willing to decrease dividend payment only when the government head changes.

Practical implications

The empirical findings contribute to the current debate on the signaling power of dividend policy in emerging market where raising equity capital is difficult and controlling shareholders prefer reinvest benefit to pay dividends. In addition, this study has important implications for regulators and governments struggling to design policies to improve investors' confidence and boost market activity. Indeed, investors may use corporate payout as a signal for better governance.

Originality/value

To the author' best knowledge, this paper is the first to investigate and to compare the effect of three political instability sources; government head changes, changes in ruling party and elections, on dividend payout decision changes. This paper provides evidence that firms facing political unstable environment seek to achieve two goals when they make dividend policy: reducing financial distress probability and attracting minority owners.

Details

EuroMed Journal of Business, vol. 15 no. 2
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 1450-2194

Keywords

Article
Publication date: 6 April 2010

Gary Davies and Takir Mian

The purpose of this paper is to explore the similarity of the reputation of political leaders with those of their parties and to assess the claim of causal links.

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Abstract

Purpose

The purpose of this paper is to explore the similarity of the reputation of political leaders with those of their parties and to assess the claim of causal links.

Design/methodology/approach

A multidimensional measure of brand personality is used to measure the reputation among voters of the three main parties and their leaders in two surveys each prior to British General Elections in 2001 and 2005.

Findings

The reputations of leader and party are highly correlated, but statistically distinct in both studies. The leader's reputation appears to influence that of the party more than vice versa. However, the decline in Tony Blair's reputation between 2001 and 2005 appears to have influenced more those loyal to other parties.

Research limitations/implications

Further work would be useful to compare the relative value of cognitive and affective measures of reputation, particularly in predicting voting behaviour.

Practical implications

The findings emphasise the role of the leader's reputation in managing that of a political party. A change of leader will, inevitably, produce a change in party reputation. The two reputations interact and monitoring such effects will require similar ways of measuring both.

Originality/value

Links between the reputations of organisations and their leaders have been claimed but never demonstrated empirically.

Details

European Journal of Marketing, vol. 44 no. 3/4
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 0309-0566

Keywords

Article
Publication date: 8 February 2022

Mohammad Hadi Charkhakan and Gholamreza Heravi

Although several studies have aimed to present models to predict conflict outcomes, fewer methods have been developed to analyze conflict manageability and provide management…

Abstract

Purpose

Although several studies have aimed to present models to predict conflict outcomes, fewer methods have been developed to analyze conflict manageability and provide management strategies based on prediction models. This research pitches into the manageability analysis of conflicts occur during the implementation of a proposed change in construction projects. In this way, a framework has been developed by defining two parameters: the predictability index and the preventability index.

Design/methodology/approach

Within this framework, the predictability index determines how many outcomes of the prediction model can be used for conflict management based on the degree of clarity. The preventability index demonstrates how preventive measures for conflict management can be identified. Eventually, three preventive measures can be determined: (1) identifying weaknesses of decision-making patterns and organizational culture, (2) identifying events that may be prevented using soft skills and (3) identifying differences among similar change-implementation scenarios and evaluating causes of the differences. To demonstrate the capabilities of proposed framework, a practical example has been analyzed.

Findings

The results show that the behavior of the project parties can be psychologically analyzed, and psychological conflicts can be distinguished from technical conflicts. Moreover, identifying the weaknesses of parties' decision-making patterns and their organizational culture is the most effective measure to prevent the conflicts.

Originality/value

This research contributes to the construction body of knowledge by quantifying the predictability and preventability of conflicts between the project parties in a construction project based on: (1) the certainty level of the conflict occurrence and (2) the level of alignment between predicted outcomes of the conflict occurrence and the issued change request and/or change order.

Details

Engineering, Construction and Architectural Management, vol. 30 no. 5
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 0969-9988

Keywords

Article
Publication date: 4 December 2017

Paulo R.A. Loureiro, Tito Belchior Silva Moreira and Roberto Ellery

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the impacts of left Brazilian political parties and partisan disruption on the homicide rate in Brazil.

Abstract

Purpose

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the impacts of left Brazilian political parties and partisan disruption on the homicide rate in Brazil.

Design/methodology/approach

The authors use panel data for the states between the years 1980 and 2011. The database used is an unbalanced panel covering a sample of 27 Brazilian states over 32 years, 1980-2011, totaling about 855 observations.

Findings

It is estimated that these two political factors are sources that have connection to the increased level of violence in Brazil. These analyses provide several important results. First, partisan disruption is associated with a higher homicide rate, compared to non-partisan disruption. The results from the panel also suggest that left-parties in government have a positive impact on homicide, compared to non-left-parties.

Research limitations/implications

Information regarding premeditated homicides (CID-BR-9 database) is available for all Brazilian states, and may be tabulated from the same micro-data at any level of aggregation. Some of the well-known problems regarding the choice of this variable are as follows. First, deaths resulting from wounds are sometimes included in the statistics whether wounds were intentionally inflicted or not. In addition, some incidents end up not being registered because certain deaths are not reported. This tends to occur more frequently in rural areas. Fortunately, this second problem does not appear to be too significant, as under-registry of deaths due to external causes is much lower than the amount resulting from natural causes (see, e.g. Cano and Santos, 2000). In addition, this problem may be controlled if under-registry remains stable over time by applying fixed effects to the panel data.

Practical implications

The main Brazilian political parties diverge on the causes of crime and how criminals should be punished. For example, in Brazil, the minimum age for one individual to be punished with imprisonment is 18 years old. Practices crimes for young people between 12 and 18 implies only in socio-educational measures. Given the high level of violence in Brazil, there is a bill being debated in the parliament that proposes to reduce the age to 16 years. Based on the research, 90 percent of the population approves the reduction of age to 16 years. However, the majority of parliament is opposed to changing the law. In general, the more conservative parties are favorable to changing the law.

Social implications

These divergent postures can be associated with the ideological essence or to belief system of each political party. Political parties have the potential capacity of changing crime trends through economic and social policies as well as by applying stronger sanctions against crime. Given the law enforcement system, the cycle of crime in Brazil may be related to the profile of the political party elected.

Originality/value

The authors assume the hypothesis that the current Brazilian multi-partisan system has an incentive system in which politicians do not respond adequately to the basic wishes of voters. Among such desires, the authors emphasize public safety. This paper evaluates the empirical effect of partisan disruption on homicide rate.

Details

International Journal of Social Economics, vol. 44 no. 12
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 0306-8293

Keywords

Article
Publication date: 1 October 1996

Dennis Kavanagh

Looks at the role of the pollster in the UK and the USA and suggests that the UK pollster’s influence is modest, particularly when compared to his counterpart in the USA. Tries to…

803

Abstract

Looks at the role of the pollster in the UK and the USA and suggests that the UK pollster’s influence is modest, particularly when compared to his counterpart in the USA. Tries to explain why a more enduring relationship between pollsters and parties has not emerged. Concludes by suggesting that the political role of communications professionals may be about to change, with the advent of a new generation of politicians, apparently more at ease with the political uses of market research and public relations.

Details

European Journal of Marketing, vol. 30 no. 10/11
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 0309-0566

Keywords

Article
Publication date: 1 August 1996

Mildred A. Schwartz

Considers why protest and/or third parties have such short political lives. Proposes that it is the boundary problems faced by third parties which constrain their ability to adapt…

824

Abstract

Considers why protest and/or third parties have such short political lives. Proposes that it is the boundary problems faced by third parties which constrain their ability to adapt and change. Argues that although third parties tend to be the agents of change, by adopting strategies of boundary maintenance they end up limiting their own growth.

Details

Journal of Organizational Change Management, vol. 9 no. 4
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 0953-4814

Keywords

Article
Publication date: 1 October 1996

Adrian Ivan Sackman

Looks at how the Labour Party in the UK re‐organized and regenerated itself between 1983 and 1992 and suggests that, as a result, the party has an over‐reliance on corporate…

971

Abstract

Looks at how the Labour Party in the UK re‐organized and regenerated itself between 1983 and 1992 and suggests that, as a result, the party has an over‐reliance on corporate marketing and management, to the detriment of party democracy. Also believes that overcentralization of decision making took place, particularly with regard to the reporting of market research data, a central function at the heart of modern electioneering. Discusses some of the problems which this caused and the changes which have taken place since the departure of Neil Kinnock in 1992.

Details

European Journal of Marketing, vol. 30 no. 10/11
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 0309-0566

Keywords

Article
Publication date: 9 February 2015

Nadeem Yousaf

Jinnah was, to some extent, a successful leader in obtaining his goals of becoming the only spokesperson for Muslims in India and gaining a piece of land for Pakistan but the main…

Abstract

Purpose

Jinnah was, to some extent, a successful leader in obtaining his goals of becoming the only spokesperson for Muslims in India and gaining a piece of land for Pakistan but the main question is whether these achievements can be attributed to transactional or transformational strategies. Has he managed transactional or transformational change in terms of political culture? This point will be discussed in the paper. The paper aims to discuss these issues.

Design/methodology/approach

A documentary analysis of behaviors, statements and incidents of Jinnah and other relevant personages.

Findings

The research shows that Jinnah was neither a transformational nor a charismatic leader. Therefore, his success cannot be attributed to his transformational ideology or charismatic personality. The political maneuvers that he adopted by frequently changing his espoused values and theories-in-use are the sources of his transactional success. Moreover, it is the international events and the vested political interests of the British are among the significant reasons that brought him success.

Research limitations/implications

In this work, a detailed comparison has not been made between voluminous theories of leadership because it is beyond the scope of this research. Moreover, it is not the intention of the paper to compare his leadership with that of other leaders; however, the future research in this direction might be useful. Indeed, the relevant leadership examples have been selected from the All India Congress with the major point of reference being the All India Muslim League – the party that brought him real recognition and fame.

Practical implications

It is stressed in the research that overt success is not a sufficient criterion to categorize a leader in a specific category without analyzing espoused theory and theories-in-use. The study will help those researchers who are interested in understanding the current political culture of Pakistan. The research will be helpful in enhancing the debate within the theme of leadership, especially transformational, transactional and charismatic. Moreover, the paper will encourage other researchers to compare Jinnah's leadership with that of other political leaders of the world.

Originality/value

The research is original as Jinnah's leadership from the perspectives of transformational and transactional leadership styles and the espoused theory and theories-in-use has, so far, not been discussed. It presents significant new arguments and information, which will be in the interest of researchers.

Details

International Journal of Public Leadership, vol. 11 no. 1
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 2056-4929

Keywords

Article
Publication date: 11 July 2016

Akintayo Opawole and Godwin Onajite Jagboro

Little success had been recorded on concession-based public private partnership contracts in Nigeria for reasons attributable in part to poor assessment of the socio-cultural and…

Abstract

Purpose

Little success had been recorded on concession-based public private partnership contracts in Nigeria for reasons attributable in part to poor assessment of the socio-cultural and economic factors that contribute to the parties’ costs while preparing contract packages. The purpose of this paper is to assess the factors which significantly influence the private party’s obligations and costs in a concession-based contract thereby enhancing the robust assessment of contract packages when bidding by private investors.

Design/methodology/approach

The assessment was based on primary data obtained through questionnaire survey. Structured questionnaire was administered on professionals comprising architects, estate surveyors, quantity surveyors, engineers and builders, accountants/bankers/economists and lawyers who had been involved in concession-based contracts in the Southwestern Nigeria, selected using respondent-driven sampling approach. Factors evaluated were those identified through in-depth literature review and brainstorming of those pertinent to concession transaction in Nigeria. Data collected were analysed using descriptive statistics including mean, relative significance index, impact weighting and factor analysis.

Findings

Significant factors that influence private party’s cost were found to be political interference, delay in land acquisition, variation to the contract and non-availability of supportive infrastructure.

Originality/value

Findings provided information for structuring concession contract for effective management of country-specific characteristics in concession contract. The understanding of the factors that affect private party’s obligations and costs would guide effective assessment of concession contract in developing economies by foreign investors. Moreover, the study provided implication for the understating of country-specific factors affecting concession contract in Nigeria which would contribute to robust assessment of contract packages when bidding by private investors.

Details

Structural Survey, vol. 34 no. 3
Type: Research Article
ISSN: 0263-080X

Keywords

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