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This introduction from Andrea Óhidy and Katalin R. Forray provides a brief overview of the social and educational situation of Roma in the Western Balkan region and the structure of this book. Like in the books Lifelong Learning and the Roma Minority in Central and Eastern Europe (2019) and Lifelong Learning and the Roma Minority in Western and Southern Europe (2020), Roma are here described as a ‘hidden minority’ (Cavioni, 2020, p. 68), because despite the great number and the century-long history of Roma people on the European continent, there is still only limited information and knowledge about them, both in public awareness and scientific research. Although most members of the Roma minority have been living for centuries in their European home countries, their situation is still different from the non-Roma populations: They often suffer from socio-economic disadvantages and hate-motivated harassment and discrimination (EU-FRA, 2020a). This is not only the case in the member-states of the European Union but also in the Western Balkan region. All across Europe, there are Roma groups, which are considered to be the most disadvantaged minority, regarding their health, employment and housing and also in education. To increase their situation, European Union member states have developed common strategies, which play a part in negotiations for an EU-membership status. The so-called Western Balkan states – Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia – might join the European Union in the coming years. The social inclusion of the Roma minority and the protection of their minority rights in these countries were formulated as a precondition for their application for EU membership. Therefore, several goals, policies and measures were implemented there to break the ‘vicious circle of poverty and discrimination’ (EU-FRA, 2020b). Participation in education and lifelong learning have become central elements of these political measures for Roma Inclusion. This book examines the education situation of Roma across the so-called Western Balkan region.

Key international and intergovernmental organizations assess the size of the Roma population in Serbia to be around 4–600.000, rendering Serbia among the five countries in Europe with the highest percentage of Roma population. Although Roma in Serbia have a long history of self-organization, cultural and media organizations, and are formally recognized as national minorities with a National Council of the Roma National Minority as a body with political decision-making influence, the Roma community in Serbia, as in most other European countries, is the most disadvantaged and underprivileged group in the country, often living in underdeveloped neighbourhoods with limited access to social services, especially education and health.

The educational attainment of the Roma population in Serbia, as in other countries in Europe, is far below the attainment of the general population. The education indicators are showing a developing trend, albeit slow. Roma integration policies evolved in Serbia from the early 2000s in the general policy framework of Equity of Education and Inclusive Education and a comprehensive education reform agenda, promoted and legally endorsed by the 2009 Law on the Foundations of the Education System. As the consequence of such an approach, the Roma integration policies intertwined and mutually reinforced with other reform policy areas. The most important post-2000 policies supporting the integration of Roma students into education are the introduction of pedagogical assistants in elementary schools and preschool institutions as a profession, paid from the budget, abolishing the system of school readiness assessment, introducing individual education plans and intensifying affirmative action and scholarships for enrolment in secondary and tertiary education.

Diversity is the wealth of Montenegro. It is a comparative advantage that provides an exceptional opportunity for understanding and tolerance. It encourages citizens to dialogue, get to know each other and get closer and not to misunderstand, confront and divide society. Any attempt to explore and consider the position of the minority national and ethnic groups in a given social reality is a very specific problem. The best indicator of democracy and tolerance achieved by the social system in a country is the attitude towards its minorities. It is reflected in the majority population's ability to exist under the conditions of tolerating and respecting minorities and their rights. In that sense, the question of the actual (not only constitutional) position of the minorities is an issue of the majority community just as it is a specific mirror of its achieved level of tolerance, emancipation and culture of living. It is especially interesting to explore those national and ethnic minorities with no ‘mother country’, that is, ‘no one to stand up for them’. The Roma population is one of these. It should be kept in mind that its position, regardless of the state in question, is complex and faces various problems.

In order to significantly improve the overall position of the Roma population in Montenegro, it is necessary to improve the socio-economic status of this group. The best way to do such a thing is through the acquisition of new knowledge and skills, as well as the promotion of Roma's identity and cultural heritage. The poor socio-economic status of Roma in Montenegro is a consequence of their inability to be employed. They are not employed because they are not formally educated or do not have a significant level of institutional education. So it is a vicious circle in which the Roma are spinning unsuccessfully to resolve, at least somewhat decently, their socio-economic position. The educational situation of the Roma population in Montenegro is significantly better at the end of the second decade of the twenty-first century, but still not nearly satisfactory in the way how that members of this population successfully participate in finding and getting a job. Therefore, through mutual communication between Roma and other social actors in Montenegro, it is necessary to raise awareness and strengthen the capacity of Roma about the importance of education and the connection of this segment of society with their employment. This leads to the improvement of the overall position of the Roma population in Montenegrin society, as well as the building of an inclusive and open society, a society of equality and justice and equal opportunities for all residents to access educational institutions at various levels and other legal and social structures.

This paper aims to investigate research activity on barriers for minority and underserved groups to access and use mental health services.

Using Scopus, relevant articles published from 1993 to 2022 were collected. The final list included 122 articles.

Research hotspots included cultural and ethnic barriers, obstacles encountered by LGBTQ+ individuals, challenges faced by refugees and immigrants, limited access in rural areas and barriers affecting special populations. The top 10 cited articles focused on language barriers, cultural stigma, gender-specific challenges and systemic obstacles. New research avenues included the role of technology in overcoming barriers to access mental health services.

Policymakers and practitioners can use this knowledge to develop targeted interventions, enhance cultural competence, reduce stigma, improve rural access and provide LGBTQ+-affirming care, ultimately promoting equitable mental health care.

This research underscores the importance of addressing mental health service barriers for equity and social justice. Neglecting these disparities can worsen mental health, increase health-care costs, reduce productivity and lead to higher social welfare expenses, perpetuating disadvantages.

This paper's uniqueness lies in its comprehensive analysis of barriers and facilitators to mental health service utilization among minority and underserved groups. It serves as a basis for developing evidence-based strategies to improve service accessibility and enhance the well-being of marginalized communities.

This paper aims to demonstrate the role of supplier diversity in empowering indigenous entrepreneurship and the potential socio-economic benefits derived from Puna Awarau (supplier diversity) in Aotearoa (New Zealand).

Supplier diversity is an emerging field in Aotearoa (New Zealand). The insights and learnings shared in this article are based on the authors' own professional experiences and insights as supplier diversity practitioners that have shaped, grown and worked in this field.

Supplier diversity is a global practice that is quickly gaining traction in Aotearoa. This is a highly practical tool to create equity for Maori, delivering benefits directly to whanau (families) and bolstering the conditions for entrepreneurship to flourish. Maori fare worst in multiple measures of social and economic well-being in Aotearoa (New Zealand). Super charging the country's fledgling supplier diversity movement is one of the tools in growing Maori entrepreneurship and socio-economic equity at the same time.

There is significant economic and social disparity between Maori and non-Maori. The median net worth of Maori is just a fraction of that of New Zealand (NZ) Europeans. What is clear is that the systems aren't serving Maori people and a “business as usual” approach simply doesn't work. Supplier diversity is a highly practical tool that can create equity for Maori, delivering benefits directly to whanau (families) and bolstering the conditions for entrepreneurship to flourish.

This paper is the one the first academic contributions to the supplier diversity practice in Aotearoa. This article demonstrates the case for supplier diversity, the supplier diversity journey to date and early learnings and insights from practitioners working at the coal face of this emerging practice in Aotearoa.

This paper aims to investigate the mechanisms through which social media news consumption across different platforms leads to opinion polarization in society. To this end, the authors draw from cultivation theory to examine whether social media news consumption imparts a mainstreaming or resonance effect. Media consumption imparts a mainstreaming effect if frequent users, regardless of their social identity, develop homogenous attitudes about issues, whereas resonance is at play if there is a differing cultivation effect on various social groups depending on their relatability of life experiences.

The authors conduct the study in the developing context of India, using a population survey dataset from 2019. Regression-based mediation and moderation analyses were carried out to test the hypotheses.

The findings reveal that resonance is the most prominent mechanism through which social media news consumption cultivates opinion polarization, contrary to the mainstreaming effect imparted by television. Further, WhatsApp use was found to strengthen the polarizing effect of overall social media news consumption, while YouTube use weakened the cultivation of polarization.

The paper unearths how social media news consumption influences the opinion polarization of various social groups differently. The authors also find the differential effect of specific platform use. These findings have the potential to inform policymakers and developers about how to mitigate the detrimental effects of platform-based political persuasion.

This study offers significant contributions. First, the authors explain social media-induced polarization using the novel theoretical lens of cultivation. Second, the authors find that social media and television news consumption differ in their polarizing effects. Third, the authors find that while WhatsApp use amplifies the polarizing effect of social media news consumption, YouTube use weakens it.

Israel ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and has subsequently worked towards putting disability-empowering policies and facilities in place. This study explores the experiences of Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel with disabilities in everyday life including education, employment and accessing disability facilities and services.

This study explores the challenges and experiences of Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel through in-depth, semi-structured interviews with a disparate group of Arab men and women with various forms of disabilities.

This research indicates that Arabs with disabilities are either unable to access them or do so with great difficulty relative to their Jewish counterparts. The findings suggest that this is due to one of two reasons: first is institutional discrimination by Jewish and Arab staff, and second is structural discrimination as facilities and services are specifically designed for the Jewish majority and their areas of residence as opposed to Arab residential areas.

Guided by intersectional theory, this article explores how the multiple identities of Arabs with disabilities living in Israel are co-constituted and ordered by different social and political structures which inform their daily lived experiences. This research illustrates that in Jewish politics and institutions, Arabs with disabilities in Israel are “otherised” by being flatly identified as Palestinians; yet, within their Arab communities, they are “otherised” by being reduced solely to their disability. This article examines how this variation in ordering and reduction can lead to specific experiences and forms of discrimination that requires multi-dimensional approaches and ways forward.

Today's structure of Bosnia and Herzegovina was established in 1995 following the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement in Paris. According to its Constitution, the Annex 4 of the Dayton Peace Agreement, Bosnia and Herzegovina is a decentralized state consisting of two entities (the Republika Srpska and the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina) and the Brčko District, three constituent peoples Bosniaks, Croats and Serbs and the Others as well as all other citizens in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The term ‘Others’ refers mainly to the national minorities and in total, there are 17 different national minorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The Federation comprises 10 cantons, all of which have legislative, executive and judiciary powers.

Relevant governmental and non-governmental agencies and bodies, as well as different international organizations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, agree that Roma, as the largest national minority, has been living in the worst socio-economic situation compared to all other national minorities. This is especially the case in housing, employment, health care and, in particular, education.

Bosnia and Herzegovina signed relevant international documents to protect the rights of national minorities and adopted relevant laws on the protection of national minorities. Furthermore, since the state has ambitions to become a member of the European Union, it accepted the Declaration of the Western Balkans Partners on Roma integration within the EU enlargement process and plans and activities have been initiated to improve the overall situation of Roma, particularly in the area of education.

Albania's commitment to safeguard and protect Roma minority rights, and integrate this community in society is expressed in its regular broad-based efforts and continuous policy dialogue to adopt its domestic legislation to find durable solutions to expand social coexistence. Its valuable contribution to shape diversity at local and national level combined with the fight against discrimination has fostered the development of national strategies on Roma minority inclusion and encouraged the implementation of various action plans to deconstruct prejudicial structures and stereotypes. Jointly sharing responsibility with various Roma and non-Roma civil society organizations through a cooperation model, the Albanian government has supported socio-economic empowerment of the Roma minority and promoted its equal access to education, health care, housing and employment. In line with the European Union enlargement process, Albania adopted Poznan Declaration setting clear goals to achieve full integration of this community.

Despite various efforts made to reduce the gap between the Roma and the Albanian population, limited progress has been achieved in the social inclusion of the Roma minority. In general, the institutional capacity to coordinate Roma-related policies is weak. Low socio-economic standards of this community including the lack of digital skills to unlock individual opportunities, segregation in schools, low health insurance coverage and poor access to technology hinder the acceleration of its inclusion (European Commission, 2022, pp. 36–37). This chapter will be mainly focused on education of Roma children in Albania highlighting some of the challenges they face and indicating some positive models to address them at local level.