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The paper focuses on legitimation and legitimation strategies applied by companies. Following the process of systematic review, we analyse empirical studies exploring legitimation and legitimation strategies from different theoretical perspectives. Using the key findings by reconnoitering and comparing the theoretical background, approaches, methodologies and findings of these empirical studies, we outline potential directions for research in the legitimation strategies of firms engaged in international business operations.

This paper develops an organizing framework for research on corporate political strategy. It reviews the literature and then identifies a number of open research questions and streams for potential investigation. The paper closes by developing a theory to explain why, when, and how a firm will pursue multi-forum political action as part of its nonmarket and integrated strategy.

Purpose – Since the mid-1980s, unemployment policy reforms in Europe and throughout the rich democracies have stressed publicly supported activation of the unemployed through both reductions in perceived disincentives to work as well as commitments for improved training, employment services, and related policies. In this chapter, I systematically explore the domestic and international political economic sources of these policy changes.

Methodology/approach – I test a set of hypotheses – original and derivative – about the domestic and international determinants of labor market policy change through pooled time-series cross-section analysis of 1980-to-2002 annual data from 18 capitalist democracies. The dependent variables consist of national spending on active labor market policy, measures of passive unemployment compensation benefits, and the ratio of active to passive unemployment program spending. Causal models account for spatial diffusion of policy reforms as well as core political and economic determinants of policy change.

Findings – I find that Left party governments and coordinated market institutions buoy resources for active labor market programs, maintain relatively generous passive unemployment supports and entitlements, and, at the same time, foster a shift to more active social policy. International trade openness promotes generous active labor market policies while more left-leaning voters and veto points within the polity significantly constrain reductions in unemployment benefits and entitlement rights. De-industrialization reinforces policy reforms toward activation while high unemployment rates engender cuts in passive unemployment benefits and eligibility conditions.

Originality/value – Overall, the chapter demonstrates that the economic effects on policy change notwithstanding, politics fundamentally matters: domestic political dynamics and variations in institutions explain the preponderance of the change (or lack thereof) in unemployment policy.

This study aims to examine the effects of institutions on private investment (PI) using panel data analysis, where the sample countries consist of 100 countries around the world and the time period is covering from 2007 to 2016. The system generalized method of moments (GMM) estimator, introduced by Arellano and Bond (1991) and further developed by Blundell and Bond (1998) is used to analyze the data sets.

This study uses the panel data approach to estimate the empirical model due to the panel nature of the data. In particular, due to the presence of lagged dependent variables and the ability to capture individual country-specific effects, the system GMM estimator, introduced by Arellano and Bond (1991) and further developed by Blundell and Bond (1998), is adopted to analyze the roles of institutions in PI. The system GMM is developed specifically to solve the problems of weak instruments and persistency (Blundell and Bond, 1998). Jointly, they suggest to adopt additional moment conditions where lagged difference of the dependent variable is orthogonal to the level form of the disturbances. The system GMM estimator is able to combine the moment conditions for the different models, as well as the level model, thereby (is capable of) generate consistent and efficient parameters. Due to the dynamic nature of the data, this study uses one-step and two-step system GMM to investigate the roles of institutions in PI.

The empirical results based on the two-step system GMM demonstrate that the quality of institutions plays an important role in stimulating PI. The finding is reinforced by the analysis of the institutional sub-components’ effects on PI.

This study is unique as its measurement of institutions is multi-dimensional (including law and order, rules and regulation, government stability, bureaucratic quality, control of corruption, socio-economic condition, etc.), and hence are more comprehensive. Second, it is different than the previous studies as its sample of countries includes both democracies and non-democracies, as well as both developed and non-developed economies in which policy implications are widely acceptable. Third, this study contributes to the policymakers especially those in the debt-ridden economies where governments are budget-tightening (limited capacity for public investment), as to which practical direction should be focused on so as to attract PI and eventually sustainable growth can take place.

Over the last two to three decades, European welfare states have witnessed fundamental changes in both family and labour market structures with many more women being in the paid labour market. While this was seen to address previous problems linked to women’s disadvantage, it has also been argued to give rise to new risk and social inequalities, including falling fertility rates and increasing childlessness. Research has identified the lack of affordable childcare as a key factor in childlessness leading to a strong EU focus on early childhood education and care. Since 2000, the EU has played a more proactive role in policies and initiatives aimed to address decreasing fertility rates with greater pressure for convergence among member states. However, there has continued to be a large degree of variation between countries. This chapter thus examines the case of Germany which has one of the highest levels of childlessness in Europe. It focuses on the intersection between childlessness and childcare provision in Germany and analyses the existing childcare arrangements with a view to understand how they influence childlessness. Particular attention is given to the role of the German government as the main actor in the process to explore ideology-related explanations of German policy-makers which led to contradictory policies. Relying on an extensive review of the related literature and policy documents, together with the personal interviews with policy-makers, academics and women’s organisations, this chapter concludes that the relatively conservative outlook of the German government which prioritises the motherhood and caregiver role, and the dominance of the corporate welfare system, has limited developments to improve access to childcare resulting in ‘a culture of childlessness’ in Germany (Kreyenfeld & Konietzka, 2017).

Drawing on the ideas of Stuart Hampshire, this paper argues that American constitutionalism, thought of as a set of practices for resolving conflict, may be especially helpful in the postmodern condition because it encourages the resolution of conflict among different cultural conceptions of the good by practices of adversarial argument and procedural justice, rather than simply by force and violence. Consequently, a constitutional approach to American public administration has merit in directing our attention towards our particular practices for resolving value conflict. However, a constitutional approach cannot provide universal standards for the fair resolution of conflict. Also, any attempt to legitimate public administration in our constitutional practices is always potentially problematic because such practices, themselves, are always contestable.

Concerns over the erosion of public trust have led British and Canadian parliamentarians to introduce some form of independent element in their arrangements for regulating political ethics, while legislators in the U.S. are refusing to make similar changes even if they also face severe problems of declining confidence in politics. To explain these differences, this chapter shows how ethics regulation processes are self-reinforcing over time, leading to more rules enforced through self-regulation mechanisms or to path-shifting changes where legislatures, hoping to break the ethics inflationary cycle, opt for a more depoliticized form of ethics regulation.