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This paper focuses on differences in resource mobilization opportunities among environmental social movement organizations (ESMOs), with empirical focus on ESMOs from five European Union countries – two Northwest European countries (Sweden, Germany) and three post-communist countries (Poland, Croatia, and Slovenia). Whereas mass-membership mobilization is a reality in the Northwest European context, ESMOs from post-communist countries fundamentally rely on international support and project-based funding. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate and discuss what implications this difference has for domestic capacity building among ESMOs.

The paper draws theoretically and empirically on literature on social movements, including environmental movements. It uses a qualitative methodology with figures, field observations, and interview data from ESMO representatives. The empirical material is based on field studies of ESMOs from the five focused countries.

The findings demonstrate strong pessimism regarding the possibilities for mass-membership mobilization in the post-communist context, and indicate a set of challenges related to the strong reliance on project funding and international sources. Issues such as short-termism, lack of independence, critical distance, and learning potential are discussed. The findings also indicate avenues for creativity and how various buffers can help to cope with challenges, and that ESMOs from the Northwest European context also face pressures relating to resource mobilization that can negatively affect their critical edge.

By the chosen focus and comparative approach, the paper contributes to our understanding if and how ESMOs can work as powerful and critical political actors in various contexts. The paper thus contributes theoretically and empirically to literature on social movements, and specifically environmental movements.

This study aims at exploring the mobilization of the Umbrella Movement and examining how the interplay of emotion and meaning contribute to a mass occupation via the mass media and social media. It proposes a model of emotional mobilization and explains how and why the perception of eviction is capable of triggering the subsequent collective political action through moral shock on bystanders.

The paper is an exploratory study and adopts the method of semi-structured interview. It interviewed 31 participants of the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong. The data were complemented by discourse analysis of video clips and participation observation of conflict scenes between protestors and police.

This study provides insights on how a potential participant can be motivated to participate in a social movement, after perceiving violent behaviors of police on other people. It suggests that moral outrage can be generated when people realizes a dramatic difference between expected behaviors and perceived behaviors of police officers through watching live broadcast or video clips. It also suggests that the shared social identity between protestors, police and perceivers provides the ground for the perceivers to feel angry and believe they are obliged to response to the situation.

Because of the method and approach, the study may lack generalizability. However, researchers can test the proposed propositions by applying the model to other unexpected mobilization of social movement in history, or expand the model by studying the mobilizing power of direct and indirect perception of eviction, and the examine responses of the same physical conflict from people with different social identities.

This study explains how the mobilization of a social movement is possible despite the failure of mobilization by activists. It also complements the idea of moral shock by grounding such process on interaction order.

The purpose of this paper is to suggest to the conflict study scholars a new instrument – the “conflict volcano” that could be an effective and appropriate tool for conflict analysis.

The “conflict volcano” model was designed as a qualitative method for conflict analysis with a focus on cause analysis. It was developed on the basis of “conflict tree” which underwent modifications.

The benefit of the “conflict volcano” is that it covers all aspects of conflict starting from root cause to catalysts and can reveal a wide range of causes: material, immaterial, institutional. It clearly frames factors; this helps practitioners to determine what should be considered as causes and effects. Moreover, the “conflict volcano” reflects major theoretical representations of the conflict and its aspects. While the “conflict volcano” model can study conflict phases from latent until open violence, it cannot reflect the dynamic of conflict and cannot demonstrate its evolution to post-conflict phases.

The “conflict volcano” can be used as a conflict analysis tool by practicing experts and scholars. Academicians can use it in order to understand conflict and especially to reveal its causes. Practicing experts can use it in order to design a conflict transformation strategy.

This instrument does not pretend to be a new invention in the field of conflict studies, but rather a new conceptualization, schematization of old concepts and instruments.

The purpose of this research paper is to address the main research gap related to the lack of sufficient information regarding the role of information and communication technologies (ICTs) in second Arab Spring wave in comparison to the first one. The authors analysed the role of ICTs via data regarding the access to ICTs and its influence on organization and spread of the anti-regime protests, i.e. regime change.

Crisis situations are unpredictable, complex and unexpected. The consequences produced by the crisis situations or events may be negative for an individual, community, organization or society as a whole. In the new millennium, ICTs have an important role in deep social crises. The new technologies enable not only the rapid spread of certain political ideas, spin information, but also the spread of misinformation. The control over ICTs in the crisis situations is crucial. The aim of this paper is to indicate effect of the use of ICTs in the crisis situations, i.e. political upheavals in 11 countries of the “Arab Spring”. The contribution of this paper is based on the development of a special theoretical model of analysis that represents the combination of the theoretical considerations in the field of ICTs, as well as the analysis in the field of transitology, i.e. democratization. The first part of the paper is focussed on the development of ICT transition theory of ICTs’ impact on the process of political change, setting the hypotheses and the explanation of methodological approach of the paper. The second part is related to the review and description of data regarding ICTs use, while the third one discusses the impact of the use of ICTs in organizing and spreading protests in the Arab world, in line with the defined theoretical framework. Finally, there are given the research results in terms of confirming or refuting the hypotheses through the analysis of Arab transition cases.

The authors confirmed the main hypothesis of the paper that the factors that determined the role of ICTs in first Spring, also, have determined the role of ICTs in second Spring wave. These factors include high access to ICT tools, weak regime's control over ICTs’ use and important cross-border networking with regional and international audience. All that formed the promotional role of ICTs in regime change in 8 of the 11 countries mentioned in the paper.

Apart from the developed special theoretical model and the analysis of new wave Arab Spring cases, the significance and originality of this paper is reflected in a comprehensive and multidisciplinary approach that connects political changes and the use of ICTs in disseminating certain policies and ideas.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the emerging corruption complex in Nigeria, the cultural nexus that influence its enculturation, dynamics and the amoral values that tend to shape it.

The paper drew data largely from documentary and empirical secondary sources for analysis.

Current institutional responses are not effective and cannot be sustainable in the fight against corruption. The enculturation process needs to be countered through measures other than arrest, prosecution and punishment to include mass mobilisation, values orientation, conscientisation and sensitisation of Nigerians on the evils of corruption.

The endemicity of corruption in Nigeria suggests the multiplicity of its causative factors. But this study focuses only on primordial cultural fault line which hinders collective conscience in the fight against corruption.

Implementing the suggestions on moral awakening – value orientation, conscientisation, mass mobilisation and sensitisation – is thought of as enthronement of national values as opposed to primordial ethnic cultural values. It would complement the legal remedies in the fight against corruption.

The building of character of Nigerians alongside existing laws on corruption will checkmate emerging culture of corruption that is attracting adherents in both business and bureaucratic activities in the countries.

The paper takes a cultural perspective and explains how primordial cultural values inhibit natural cultural values to enthrone amoral values that have contributed to the emergence corruption complex in Nigeria.

This chapter explores the trans-national and cross-regional interactions and connections that, beginning in the late eighteenth century, brought about the development of dualistic economies within and outside of Europe; and how this circuit was reconfigured after the world wars by means of decolonization, nationalism, “first” and “second” world development, and globalization. What this perspective brings into view is a horizontal rather than vertical division of the world: the synchronic and interdependent development of dynamic focal points of growth throughout the world shaped, both within and outside of Europe, by trans-local interaction and connection, as well as by local struggles and relations of dominance and subordination.

Analyses the attempt by a trade association (the British Federation of Master Printers) to secure the universal adoption by its members of a uniform costing system. It was envisaged that the industry‐wide application of a prescribed costing solution would secure the socio‐economic advancement of employer printers and ensure an improvement in their power relative to unionized labour and unorganized customers. Universal adherence to the uniform costing system depended on the trade association changing the prevailing negative attitudes of employers towards the twin ideals of scientific costing and organization. In order to achieve this a concerted campaign of persuasive communication was undertaken. Reveals that propaganda was conducted by utilizing a variety of distribution media and by employing a range of propagandist devices. The limited success achieved in converting employers to the costing cause is considered to have been the result of message, audience and contextual effects. The persistence of traditional attitudes among printers, the effects of war and adverse macro‐economic conditions were particularly important factors which induced resistance to attitudinal and behavioural change. Concludes that the uniform costing movement and the history of costing in artisan‐craft‐based industries merit deeper investigation.

This paper aims to assess the role of archives in documenting African National Congress Women’s League (ANCWL) records on the liberation struggle of South Africa from 1960 to 1990 with a view to recommending the best method of collection and preservation of archival materials.

Qualitative data were collected through interviews with purposively selected employees of the African National Congress (ANC), the Nelson Mandela Foundation centre of memory, the national heritage and cultural studies at the University of Fort Hare, the National Archives of South Africa and provincial archives of South Africa. Interview data were augmented through content analysis of ANC documents such as policies, websites and annual reports.

The study found a gap of documentation of the role of archives in documenting ANCWL’s contribution to the liberation of South Africa. The National Archives of South Africa did not play a meaningful role to document the history of African National Women’s League in the liberation struggle of South Africa. There was also a lack of coordination of community archives that keep ANCWL archives materials. There is a need to embark on oral history and bilateral relations with overseas archival institutions to repatriate ANCWL archives to South Africa. Furthermore, contemporary history records about the ANCWL records need to be listed, arranged and described and made available to the public.

The research is limited to the role played by the National Archives of South Africa and community archives such as the ANC archives, the Mayibuye Centre archives based at the University of Western Cape in documenting ANC and ANCWL and contemporary issues that impact the development of ANCWL records created from 1960 to 1990.

The findings are expected to be instrumental to document the history of women’s struggle for democracy in South Africa. The ANCWL collection may contribute to social cohesion to enable society to understand the role of ANCWL during the struggle for democracy in South Africa. While the literature on women’s archives is limited, there is still much research that needs to be conducted. Increasing the body of research will strengthen understanding of the role of the National Archives of South Africa and community archives on documenting women’s liberation struggle in South Africa.

The document of women’s history would enrich the archival collection. This means that records with historical, cultural and social significance will be permanently preserved by archives.

The research appears to be the first of its kind to assess the documentation on the role of archives on documenting ANCWL. The archival heritage of women’s struggle for democracy forms part of the national archival heritage of South Africa as they bridge the gap of undocumented history of South Africa.