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While it has long been established that social factors, such as housing, transportation, and income, influence health and health care outcomes, over the last decade, attention to this topic has grown dramatically. Reforms that promote high-quality care as well as responsibility for total cost of care have shifted focus among health care providers toward upstream determinants of health care outcomes. As a result, there has been a proliferation of activity focused on integrating and aligning social and medical care, many of which depend critically on cross-sector alliances. Despite considerable activity in this area, cross-sector alliances in health care remain largely undertheorized. Both literatures stand to gain from more attention to carefully knitting together the theoretical and management literature on alliances with the empirical, health policy and health services literature on cross-sector alliances in health care. In this chapter, we lay out what exists in the current scientific literature as well as a framework for considering much needed work in this area. We organize the literature and our commentary around the lifecycle of alliances: alliance formation, including factors prompting alliance formation, partner selection, and alliance goals; alliance maturity, including the work of these cross-sector alliances, governance, finance and contracts, staffing structure, and rewards; and critical crossroads, including alliance timelines, definitions of success, and dissolution. We also lay out critical areas for future inquiry, including better theorizing on cross-sector alliances, developing typologies of these cross-sector health care alliances, and the role of policy in cross-sector alliances.

The COVID-19 pandemic stressed the health care sector's longstanding pain points, including the poor quality of frontline work and the staffing challenges that result from it. This has renewed interest in technology-centered approaches to achieving not only the “Triple Aim” of reducing costs while raising access and quality but also the “Quadruple Aim” of doing so without further squeezing wages and abrading job quality for frontline workers.

How can we leverage technology toward the achievement of the Quadruple Aim? I view this as a “grand challenge” for health care managers and policymakers. Those looking for guidance will find that most analyses of the workforce impact of technological change consider broad classes of technology such as computers or robots outside of any particular industry context. Further, they typically predict changes in work or labor market outcomes will come about at some ill-defined point in the medium to long run. This decontextualization and detemporization proves markedly problematic in the health care sector: the nonmarket, institutional factors driving technology adoption and implementation loom especially large in frontline care delivery, and managers and policymakers understandably must consider a well-defined, near-term, i.e., 5–10-year, time horizon.

This study is predicated on interviews with hospital and home health agency administrators, union representatives, health care information technology (IT) experts and consultants, and technology developers. I detail the near-term drivers and anticipated workforce impact of technological changes in frontline care delivery. With my emergent prescriptions for managers and policymakers, I hope to guide sectoral actors in using technology to address the “grand challenge” inherent to achieving the Quadruple Aim.

Privatization as a general policy was introduced into Malaysia in the 1980s. Subsequently, selected elements of the public health-care system were privatized. This chapter analyzes the effects of privatization on the health-care system in terms of both intended and unintended consequences. The outflow of experienced specialist doctors from the public sector to the private sector and the emergence of a two-class system of health care in Malaysia have been major unintended consequences of privatization.

As all countries in the world, Polish health care system has to challenge four fundamental transformations: demographic, technological, epidemiological and cultural. Each of them generates serious threats for the sustainability of the system. The Polish society is ageing even faster than other in the European Union. For the sustainability of the system, the ageing of the population is a double challenge: on the expenditure side and on the financing side.

The Polish health care system is characterised by three negative features: under-financing of health care, misguided organisation of the health sector and health care entities and a dramatic shortage of health care professionals. The share of GDP devoted to health has remained constant over the last years at the level of 6.3%–6.7%. Poland has one of the lowest rates of practicing doctors and nurses in the EU countries. Lack of attractiveness of the medical professions caused by consistently low wages has created a huge generation gap.

Looking from the perspective of cost-effectiveness, we must to state, that the system, with its small financial outlays, provides a relatively high level of health for the population. However, it does not mean that better results could not be achieved. The majority of the public hospitals run in the form of independent public health care units that are highly inefficient and indebted. All attempts to restructure the sector and to solve the problem of arrears of the public hospitals failed so far.

To face the challenges, Poland must change its health policy. An increase in the sector's financing is needed, bearing in mind that increasing outlays alone is certainly not enough to solve all problems and secure sustainability. Deep structural and organisational changes are necessary. Unfortunately, politicians avoid making difficult but necessary decisions, e.g., drastic restructuring of the hospital sector, preferring above all to increase public spending on health.

Purpose – This study identifies the multiple contributions of the Salvadoran women's movement in sustaining mass mobilization under the threat of public health care privatization.

Methodology/approach – A case study methodological approach shows how the emergence of an autonomous women's movement in El Salvador in the late 1980s and early 1990s “spilled over” (Meyer & Whittier, 1994) to assist in the maintenance of the health care campaigns in the late 1990s and early 2000s.

Findings – We observed three arenas in which the women's movement played pivotal roles in the anti-health care privatization struggle: (1) women-based organizations; (2) leadership positions within larger coalitions brokering the participation of diverse social sectors; and (3) key advocacy roles inside the state. These three contributions of the women's movement increased the overall level of mobilization and success against health care privatization.

Research limitations – The study centered on one major group of health care consumers. The role of other civic organizations should be examined in future research.

Originality/value of chapter – The study demonstrates that in the era of globalization, women's movements form a critical part of the social movement sector facilitating the construction of large coalitions protecting consumers from neoliberal restructuring in areas such as public health care.

Nigeria remains the largest economy in Africa. However, its health sector is described as weak. It continues to battle several challenges ranging from poor health infrastructure, inaccessibility of good quality health care, corruption, substandard drugs circulating, poor funding, shortage of healthcare personnel, high cost of healthcare amidst poverty-stricken masses, among others. The outbreak of Covid-19 and the global oil price crash have further impacted Nigeria’s dwindling healthcare service delivery/indicators. This chapter thus takes stock of the status of the healthcare indicators, healthcare systems, and healthcare governance in Nigeria before and during the Covid-19 pandemic to decipher the impact of the damage caused by Covid-19 on the already weak Nigeria’s health sector. It discusses healthcare indicators, system constraints and responses, and the demand and supply of health care in Nigeria in the era of Covid-19. This chapter shows how Covid-19 has negatively and positively affected the healthcare sector in Nigeria. However, the negative impact remains overwhelming and has potentially grave consequences. This study thus develops a policy framework and time-tested strategy to recover Nigeria’s health sector while factoring in the present capabilities of Nigeria’s health sector. This study thus recommends that adequate infrastructure investment and welfare for healthcare workers are important for the recovery of Nigeria’s health sector.

In this chapter, I develop an analysis of the institutional logics which have shaped the organizational field of public sector mental health and which provide a framework for understanding the complexities facing policy makers, providers, researchers, and community mental health advocates.

I first assess the current state of public sector mental health care. I then describe institutional theory, which focuses our attention on the wider social values and priorities (i.e., institutional logics) which shape mental health care. In the current post-deinstitutionalization era, there are three competing institutional logics: recovery and community integration, cost containment and commodification, and increased social control over those with severe mental disorders. Each of these logics, and the conflict between them, is explicated and analyzed. I then develop a theoretical framework for understanding how conflicting institutional logics are resolved. In the concluding section of this chapter, I offer some guidance to both researchers and advocates seeking meaningful system level reform.

Researchers studying mental health policy need to understand how competing institutional logics work to shape the political climate, economic priorities, and types of services available.

Advocacy is critical for meaningful reform, and a fourth institutional logic – that of social justice – needs to be developed by which to evaluate policy reforms and service offerings.

The Norwegian health care system is semi-decentralized. Primary care and long-term care (LTC) are the responsibilities of the municipalities. Specialist care is the responsibility of the central government and is organised through four Regional Health Authorities (RHA). Resource use, health outcomes and severity are the three main pillars for priority setting, regularly applied in reimbursement decisions for pharmaceuticals.

The sustainability of health care is challenged in Norway. The main factors are a growing elderly population with high need of complex, coordinated services, an increasing demand for newly approved drugs and advanced technology and a potential shortage of health care personnel.

We present recent trials and policy reforms in Norway aimed at improving care pathways combined with cost containment. Reforms in the pharmaceutical market, both with regard to market access and reimbursement (cost-effectiveness), and regulation of prices, have resulted in cost containment. The primary care sector awaits reform initiatives to recruit and retain physicians as general practitioners. No reform in the hospital sector has had cost containment as a main focus. The sector is characterized with low productivity growth, and expenditures that have increased more than the GDP growth. Waiting times are long, and coordination between sub-sectors of health care has been poor, although the Coordination reform of 2012 has alleviated some of the challenges related to intersectoral coordination. Still, the divided responsibility for health care between the central government and the municipalities creates tensions between national ambitions and local decisions in the financing and provision of health services.

In this chapter, we focus on the major reforms intended to ensure the sustainability of health care in Denmark between 2000 and 2020 and the evidence for the effectiveness of these reforms. We take a broad definition of sustainability and include reforms that aimed to improve the productivity of the health care sector both in terms of increasing activity for the same set of inputs and in terms of improving the quality of care. A characterisation of the Danish health care system as having gone through evolution rather than revolution (Pedersen, Christiansen, & Bech, 2005) is, with one exception, still true today, and reforms have been relatively few. As we demonstrate there is a relative lack of formal evaluations of these reforms.

In the first decade of the period, the majority of new policy measures aimed to increase the quantity of care provided by the health care sector. With the introduction of diagnosis-related groups (DRGs) to measure hospital activity, a wave of reforms created a stronger link between activity and hospital reimbursement, and introduced additional incentives for increasing activity, alongside requirements for increased technical efficiency. A centralisation reform in 2007 reduced the number of administrative units and saw the beginning of a development that would also lead to fewer hospital units. Procurements of medicines were professionalised, and a national council was established to consider the use of expensive hospital medicine.

In the second-half of the period, policy makers began questioning whether increased activity was always for the better, and slowly began experimenting with initiatives that would shift the focus to the quality and appropriateness of care. As in many other countries, this move occurred in the light of a realisation of a shift in the demographic structure of the country and the change this was expected to create for the future demand for health care.

Although some empirical evidence exists, it is striking that few of the changes to the health care sector has been subject to formal academic evaluation – especially when considering the availability of high quality nationwide micro data. We point to a number of important lessons that could be drawn from the Danish experiences.

However, the greatest potential for research into the sustainability of health care in the Danish setting is probably still to be realised by taking advantage of the possibilities of linking micro data on individuals' health care utilisation, schooling outcomes and labour supply, with the possibility of following individuals across decades. For example, Danish micro data make it possible to follow newborns in 1990 until they reach adulthood and simultaneously follow their parents from adulthood until they reach 60 years of age where the prevalence of chronic diseases begins to show.

Informal payments in health care exist in many countries around the world. However, the prevalence of informal payments varies between countries. A distinction between illegal or unethical informal payments like bribes and corruption, and legal and ethical forms of informal payment like giving gifts is not always easy to make. Illegal and unethical practices include, for example, buying medical certificates, bid rigging during procurements, or selecting service-providers for a hospital based on personal connections. A conceptual global definition of informal payments in health care is not feasible because informality depends on local regulations, values, and traditions. In this chapter, we provide an up-to-date understanding of informal payments in health care (including corruption, fraud etc.) by distinguishing micro, meso, and macro levels of informal payments. We argue that informal payments that occur at these levels cannot be unified under one umbrella of corruption because the various forms of informal payments in health care differ in nature, scope, and damaging effects.