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The study analyzes different early African‐American life insurance enterprises and illustrates how these organizations significantly influenced both cultural and economic development in African‐American communities. Because African Americans purchased at least one billion‐dollars worth of insurance by the end of the 1930s and because African‐American insurance companies carried at least $340,000,000 of this insurance, African Americans also played a significant role in developing the United States’ financial infrastructure during the first half of the twentieth century. This paper explores the cultural and economic issues used by this industry to overcome the environment constraints that hindered many other African‐American industries.

Saving is essential to the health of economies and households, yet relatively little scholarship investigates saving behaviors among the urban working class in the nineteenth century. This chapter uses five surveys of industrial workers in 1880s New Jersey, an analysis of which reveals sophisticated saving behaviors consistent with life-cycle and precautionary theories. The mean saving rate was between 8% and 12% of annual income. Younger households saved less than older households. Householders with longer expected careers, on average, saved less. Life insurance and fraternal societies were the most popular saving vehicles, but workers also used savings banks and building and loan associations, alone and in combination.

After war, societies can undergo change that extends justice to formerly excluded groups. Using theories of moral exclusion and moral inclusion as a lens, this chapter examines societal change in two consecutive periods after the American Civil War (1861–1865): Reconstruction and Jim Crow. Focusing on the well being of black Americans in the American South, this chapter examines Reconstruction's inclusionary gains and setbacks. It then describes challenges faced by black Americans during Jim Crow, a period of white supremacy and violence, and factors associated with Jim Crow's decline. Applying social psychological theory to these historical periods offers insight into the dynamics of inclusionary and exclusionary change.

This paper addresses the paradox that five years after the implementation of the Financial Services Act and despite the apparent mandatory nature of the compliance officer's function, no clear detailed definition or description of the role has emerged. By tracing the origins of the office through the legislation and regulation, the paper suggests that the general perception of the function derives only from the common responsibilities. The difficulty of further refining this perception is demonstrated by reference to several company or employer‐specific constitutional and cultural constraints. The paper concludes that, despite the importance of establishing a detailed understanding of the compliance function, assessment of the compliance officer's role will continue to be based on those elements of the function which are common to all and exclude those aspects which are unique to particular companies or groups.

John Locke′s political economy lends itself to conservative, liberal and radical interpretations that frame the conceptual ambiguities that still shape our debates over government′s proper economic functions. Suggests that “masculinity” was a powerful undercurrent in Locke′s thought which linked these ambiguities and makes them explicable. In short, Locke′s political economy was a “gendered” one which juxtaposed Enlightenment hopes that “manly” men could balance freedom and equality, labour and prosperity, and political order, to ancient misogynist fears that “effeminate” men caused chaos when freed from political constraints. Ultimately, Locke′s scepticism resulted in a heavy investment in political prerogative which has been parlayed into twentieth century political hegemony.

Analyzing the 2004 U.S. General Social Survey and Korean General Social Survey, this chapter attempts to show that even similar climates of associationalism in two countries can lead to differential consequences for participatory democracy, depending on the associations’ capacities to foster civic resources. This chapter first examines whether the politically desirable traits of civic virtue and social trust essential to political participation can be developed by associational membership in the United States and Korea. Second, it investigates whether associational membership strengthens, weakens, or leaves unchanged the effects of socioeconomic resources measured by educational attainment and family income on political participation especially among association members in these two countries. The results indicate that voluntary associations in the United States, compared to those in Korea, do a better job of playing the role of civic educator and even of political equalizer. First, associational membership significantly and positively affects civic virtue and social trust in the United States. Second, associational membership does not affect civic virtue and social trust in Korea. Third, the effects of educational attainment and family income on political participation among members are weak in the United States. Fourth, the effects of educational attainment and family income on political participation among members are strong in Korea. Therefore, this chapter concludes that voluntary associations do not contribute to participatory equality in Korea despite its vibrant group-centered culture, whereas their American counterparts are relatively effective in bringing about the expected outcome.

Latin American liberation theology has become one of the more dynamic and controversial intellectual forces of contemporary Latin American politics. Although identified with a minority left‐wing perspective, liberation theology constitutes an important component within the larger context of progressive change in the political orientation of the Church in recent years. The chief inspiration for liberation theology stems from the Conference of Latin American Bishops at Medellin in 1968. The central theme of the Medellin conference was that Latin America lives beneath a tragic sign of under‐development: hunger, misery, illness, infant mortality, inequalities of income; tension between classes and outbreaks of violence; the lack of participation of people in decisions affecting the common good; an external position of neo‐colonial dependency. The privileged classes, it alleges, are insensitive to the miseries of the marginal sectors and frequently resort to force to repress opposition with “anti‐communism” or “keeping order” as the justification for their actions.

Since the scientific study of management began more than a hundred years ago, planning has been acknowledged to be one of the principle functions of managers. It seems hard to remember now, but it wasn't until after the Second World War that the planning function was given over to specialists. Today, most management takes it for granted that the planning staff controls the planning function.