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This chapter attempts to highlight the economic perspective behind the rising incidence of terrorism across the world that has impinged a serious threat to the sustainability of mankind. Based on the sample of 123 countries all over the world, it has sought to analyze the relationship between the intensity of terrorism faced by a country and the level of its economic development. Moreover, classifying terrorist activities as externally sponsored and internal militancy triggered by extremist outfits, this chapter seeks to identify which type of terrorism is more pronounced in a country and the underlying economic considerations. Besides, in this study, an attempt has been made to examine the extent to which a country’s military expenditure is attributable to the degree of terrorism it is exposed to.

Pakistan is facing the momentous hazard of money laundering and a substantial risk of terror financing, which are seriously threatening its socioeconomic well-being. The purpose of this paper is to gauge the challenges posed by these threats in contrast with the existing potential and expertise of legal entities. It also examines legal and procedural measures enforced as a counter-strategy for terror financing and money laundering and the AMLA 2010 and National Action Plan (NAP) for countering terrorism financing.

This paper uses an analytical and comparative method using figures and comparative data on the success of the NAP and AMLA 2010 as national counterterrorism strategies. Terror financing and anti-money laundering regimes are confronted with grave legal and procedural odds, noncooperation and performance issues and conflicts of interest on the part of the enforcers/politicians. This paper highlights the issues that seriously jeopardize strategies to stop money laundering and terror financing, such as geography, informal financial transfers and exchange systems, un-regulated charities and real estate sectors, the modest performance of enforcement agencies and lukewarm political support for the NAP.

The situation requires the improvement of weak legislation and poor coordination and the adaptation of technological advancements and novel counter-strategies, along with properly trained enforcement personnel.

This paper will prove to be a valuable reference for exploring the shortcomings and insights. This will provide useful information for legal and financial practitioners, academicians, research scholars, policymakers and journalists.

In this paper, the author develops a game theoretical model to understand why Union Government of India, as a third party, has used different schemes at different times in history to assist the State Governments in fighting the Naxalite insurgency. Comparing across schemes, it was found that though Matching Security Grants scheme was preferred in general, during asymmetric information scenario it led to an emergency situation wherein the Union Government had to provide the less preferred Bulk Security Grants. Later, it became difficult to withdraw these grants as the State Governments free rode by reducing own security contribution. The author finds that instead, in this scenario, Matching Development Grants are more suitable, as they incentivize the State Governments to reveal private information and help the Union Government exit its third-party role. For a practitioner involved in conflict resolution, these conclusions imply that as the desirability of policies can change diametrically overtime, Union Government must spend resources only on those heads of expenditure that provide both security and development benefits provided they aid in preventing flow of resources to Naxalites. Further, to end its assistance, the Union Government’s expenditures should also complement the capabilities of the State Government rather than substituting them. These results can also guide policy in other protracted civil wars with substantial third-party intervention, which are common these days.

The paper is an historical analysis of strategies used by Union and State Governments and Naxalites. The analysis is based on game theoretic tools supported with examples.

The Union Government must provide matching grants instead of bulk grants such as Central Armed Police Forces, and the grants should be aimed at building complementarities with the state governments’ security contributions. Under asymmetric information scenario, the Union and State Governments reduce their expenses incurred to fight the Naxalites. A Matching Development Grants scheme would have done better. Union Government must spend resources on heads of expenditure that provides both Development and Security benefits, to curb flow of resources to Naxalites, besides complementing the Security Contributions of the State Government.

The research is limited by disaggregated data to test the hypotheses. It is also limited by the data on hidden variables like the contribution of the Naxalites to fighting. The research is also limited to the extent that individual groups in the war like police commanders, politicians and Naxalite commanders are not incorporated. Multiple asymmetric parties are also not considered; that may generalize the model to other theaters of insurgency.

Certain heads of expenditure such as roads, mobile communication, improving quality of investigation, preventing human rights violations by the security forces, etc. are both security and development enhancing. The Union Government's expenditures must be directed toward this end. Therefore, from a practitioner's perspective, the debate between greed and grievances exists not as a limitation but as a guide. The relevant articles of Constitution of India must be redrafted on these principles. Third-party interventions in other insurgencies may be revisited under these conclusions.

Security and Development policies are tools for controlling Naxalite insurgency, which can also be used to prevent flow of resources to Naxalites. Security and development policies to resolving insurgencies are useful at different information scenarios. Therefore, information neutral policies should be preferred.

This paper has contributed theoretically in modeling continuing conflicts like Naxalite insurgency, explicitly. The author also shows that though the field of civil wars may have evolved along the Greed vs Grievance debate (Collier and Hoeffler, 2004), for a practitioner, the lines blur when it comes to solutions, as many heads of expenditures have features of both security and development. This paper also shows that when the Union Government faced asymmetric information scenario, the policy of matching development grants would be beneficial in long run though of limited value in short run. This is an important conclusion as the most intense period of violence was preceded by the asymmetric information scenario. Besides, it has relevance for the other civil wars with third-party intervention, such as NATO in Afghanistan.

This chapter analyzes the impact of terrorism in South Asian countries. The study is based on secondary data collected from South Asian Report, crime records, South Asia Terrorism Portal, and other reports. Descriptive statistics of South Asia shows that out of the total deaths due to terrorism, 52.63 percent of the deaths occurred among terrorists, 35.22 percent civilians, and only 12.15 percent among the security forces (SFs). Human Development Index (HDI) and total number of fatalities in the region are highly correlated with an expected negative sign. This means that terrorist activities have adversely affected human development in the South Asian region. Besides, human development of the SFs has been highly hampered by their fatalities, with that of terrorists being relatively low. Civilians are relatively less affected by the fatalities as the correlation results show a moderate (−0.543) value. Total number of deaths due to terrorism in India was 21,942 between 2005 and 2018 but was 57,840 in Pakistan, which is substantially higher compared to India. The number of deaths of civilians, SFs, and terrorists in Pakistan is almost double that of India during the same period. In India, civilian deaths due to terrorism have significantly reduced over time. In Pakistan, civilian deaths have increased from 2005 to 2013, thereafter reducing. Terrorist groups have been subjected to major loss due to more deaths among them. With regard to terrorism, Pakistan is the most critical country in the South Asian region. Regional cooperation in South Asia and multilateral discussions can reduce terrorism in this region.

Afghanistan has been a country that has a long history of combating against the wars, civil and otherwise, and where the people, who escape from the terrorist organisations and the vulnerable state authority, predominantly migrate to its capital. The number of people, who leave their lands and possessions behind just to reach the capital city of Kabul, reaches to millions. Those people, who escaped from the oppression, persecution and terror, make their living as street vendors. The number of people, who live by working as street vendors and who seriously contribute to the national economy, is considerably high.

In this study, in addition to the positive contributions of the street trade on the national economy, employment and socio-cultural life, its positive aspects that are reflected upon the security, health and culture and the problems and ways to solve those problems shall be identified.