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The content of ethics education courses is still generally shaped around the presentation of the traditional ethical theories of Western moral philosophy, complemented by case studies and discussion of ethical decision-making models. The purpose of courses is still largely geared towards the development of skills in ethical reasoning. Yet developments in surrounding fields, from psychology to learning and leadership development, raise numerous questions about the traditional curriculum. Ethics courses need to be more responsive to psychological factors and to the social realities of workplace contexts, and cognisant of a wider spectrum of ethical concepts. The perspective of virtue ethics remains pertinent, as the broader agenda of ethics courses is to enable students to develop a personal ethical outlook. But ethics courses should also be exploring and incorporating concepts from non-Western philosophies, and incorporating developments in fields such as leadership development.

We examine the emotional lives of the loyal opposition: those who remain steadfast in their duty-oriented, deontological ethical commitment to their workplace organization, but are in conflict with the dominant, utilitarian ethical view emphasizing practicality and revenue. When one is an “outsider” or even an “outcast” due to their deontological ethics, this conflict between personal and organizational ethics can result in a wide variety of emotions ranging from fear and sadness to alienation, and even rarely, to joy. Using qualitative methods, we analyze interview and observational data sets from two distinct populations within different workplace organizations: non-profit human service workers and faculty members who teach ethics in business schools. In both data sets, negative and positive emotions were experienced by participants immersed in a workplace environment characterized by ethical conflict. Though tension between the deontological and utilitarian ethical positions generated powerful emotions among the employee populations, it was not necessarily detrimental to the organization and in fact seemed to have a constructive, steadying influence. Ethical conflict can be constructive, function to make an organization stronger, and contribute positively to organizational success. The likelihood of positive outcomes increases if the emotional work entailed is sufficiently recognized and addressed.

In Democracy in Chains, Nancy MacLean draws attention to the influence that James M. Buchanan’s work has had on the political economic discourse of the past half century. Buchanan and his collaborators in the Virginia Political Economy tradition have provided intellectual firepower for efforts to delegitimize democratically sanctioned policies aimed at alleviating the dysfunctional consequences of market activity. While MacLean’s account contains some well-documented inaccuracies, her characterization of Buchanan’s agenda is broadly accurate. This chapter assesses Buchanan’s economics in light of the themes raised by MacLean. His work, we shall argue, is a modern manifestation of what Marx termed “vulgar economy,” that is, ruling-class ideology posing as science.

This chapter uses the re-development of an undergraduate business degree in a large Australasian university as a case study of the systematic embedding of social responsibility into the curriculum. The chapter discusses the drivers for curriculum change including the converging desires of both employers and students for business education to not only equip graduates with thinking skills for a fast-changing future but also provide guidance to students on becoming ethical leaders. The design thinking process that underpinned the curriculum re-development is outlined and the graduate profile and curriculum structure that emerged from the process are discussed. The graduate profile includes an aspirational goal for students to be future generators for sustainable value for business and society at large. Attainment of this goal is supported by development of other aspects of the graduate profile and the structure of the degree itself. Students are required to undertake multi/interdisciplinary study in order to expose them to different perspectives and ways of thinking and doing. They are scaffolded through the development of an understanding of social responsibility in business and the application of ethical frameworks to complex problems over the course of three years, through four compulsory courses. The chapter notes the importance of the hidden curriculum in teaching social responsibility and demonstrates how the teaching of social responsibility in the business curriculum is reinforced through the structure of the degree and consistency with both the Business School’s and University’s mission.

This article explores how social actors negotiate the competing logics they face as a result of their work in organizations subject to institutional complexity. In particular, I theoretically focus on the unique characteristics associated with societal institutional logics, such as religion, family, and the state. Empirically, I analyze religious mutual funds (Catholic, Muslim, and Protestant) in the United States that dwell at the intersection of the competing logics of religion and finance. Through interviews with 31 people who work at religious mutual funds (or fund producers) and content analysis of religious mutual fund material, I focus on the symbolic boundary work that religious fund producers engage in. I find examples of boundary blurring and boundary building and suggest institutional complexity that involves at least one societal logic is especially likely to foster both modes of boundary work. This, I propose, leads to an increased likelihood of enduring institutional complexity.

Consumption is a new central issue, globally, driven by more visible consumption concerns of citizens. For instance, entertainment and the environment rise as political issues, while workplace issues decline. To link individual choice with public and urban context, we outline a theory of consumption in specific propositions. They start with individual and personal influence characteristics in shopping and political decisions, then add socio/cultural characteristics. Three cultural types adapted from Elazar are Moralistic, Individualistic, and Traditional – which shift individual patterns. For instance moralistic persons favor more environmentally sensitive consumption, even boycotting cars, TV, and paper towels, backing green groups and parties. Such protest acts via personal consumption are ignored by many past theories. Individualists instead favor more conspicuous, status-oriented consumption, à la Veblen, or the modernism of Baudelaire and Benjamin. For traditionalists, consumption reinforces the past, via family antiques and homes, ritualized and less individualized. The three types help interpret differences in consumption politics by participants in different social movements, cities, and countries.