Search results

A growing literature links oil to conflict, particularly civil war. Greed/opportunity, grievance, and weak state arguments have been advanced to explain this relationship. This chapter builds on the literature on oil and conflict in two important ways. First, I examine a novel dependent variable, domestic terrorism. Much is known about the effect of oil on the onset, duration, and intensity of civil war, though we know surprisingly little about the potential influence of oil on smaller, more frequent forms of violence. Second, I treat oil ownership as a variable, not a constant, coding oil rents based on ownership structure. This is contrary to other related studies that assume oil is necessarily owned by the state. Using a large, cross-national sample of states from 1971 to 2007, several key findings emerge. Notably, publicly owned oil exhibits a positive effect on domestic terrorism. This positive effect dissipates, however, when political performance and state terror are controlled for. Privately owned oil, on the other hand, does not correlate with increased incidences of terror. This suggests that oil is not a curse, per se.

An investigation of parallels between homegrown, international, and domestic terrorism.

A comparative method is used to analyze data from two main sources, ITERATE data on international and the TWEED data on domestic terrorism. The similarities are tested in various dimensions – target types, severity, and the method of the attacks.

Homegrown terrorism is inherently motivated by domestic issues. Moreover, variables of ethnic heterogeneity, political inclusiveness of fringe groups, and problems in the democratization process are good predictors of the occurrence of other forms of domestic and homegrown terrorism alike.

Number of observable cases of homegrown terrorism are low. The two main datasets have potentially overlapping incidents.

Provides and operational definition of homegrown terrorism and test empirically the similarity between homegrown and other types of terrorisms.

The purpose of this contribution is to review the theoretical and empirical literature on the economic determinants of terrorism.

Review of the relevant academic literature.

This contribution shows that there is a theoretical foundation to the popular hypothesis that poor economic conditions are conducive to terrorism. A review of the empirical evidence on the economic determinants of terrorism, however, yields an inconclusive result. Some studies find that economic conditions (directly and indirectly) matter to terrorism, whereas a plurality of studies suggest that noneconomic factors are more important.

The findings of the survey indicate that it is unlikely that economic conditions are universal determinants of terrorism. By pointing at several avenues of future research (e.g., a focus on the role of ideology in terrorism), this contribution, however, argues that the opposite also does not need to be true. The influence of economic factors on terrorism should neither be overemphasized nor completely ruled out.

The contribution offers a comprehensive overview of the economy–terrorism nexus and hints at promising areas of future research.

Recent evidences show that terrorism is becoming frequent in Nigeria, ranging from incessant Boko Haram activities in the North East; Independent People of Biafra (IPOB) activities in the South-East states, kidnapping and vandalizing oil pipes in the South-South, Fulani-herdsmen attacks in the Middle Belt, among others. In an attempt to tackle terrorism, the Federal Government at different times adopted military actions with little or no lasting solution. The Have and Have-nots hypothesis (Shahbaz, 2013) stresses the role of economic phenomenon in determining the causes of terrorism. It is on this note that this chapter investigates the linkages between economic growth proxy by gross domestic product per capita (GDPPC) and other fundamental variables such as inflation, unemployment, and inequality gaps, among others; and terrorism in Nigeria. We intend to know whether cointegration exists between the two constructs; and if it does, is there causality? The study employed both the autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) and the vector error correction model (VECM) approaches to examine the existence of or otherwise a long-run relationship as well as causality among the constructs. Results reveal that a compelling cointegrating relationship exists among the variables. It is further revealed that unemployment, inequality, poverty, inflation, among others, Granger cause terrorism. It stresses that the Have-not hypothesis explained the causes of terrorism in Nigeria. The study therefore suggests that policy makers should, in order to prevent or combat terrorism, focus on improving the economy by creating job opportunities through provision of conducive environment that supports businesses and reduces inequality gaps.

In addition to their effects on economic growth, prolonged terrorist activities can reduce government revenue. Apart from the destruction of physical infrastructure and human capital, terrorism also has lagged-effect on investment, which ultimately dampens the fiscal position and further affects the economic growth. This chapter is devoted to the discussion on the interaction between terrorism, growth, and fiscal variables in Nigeria using real per capita income, government revenue, government expenditure and defense expenditure. The findings show that terrorism is associated with low economic growth which has the potency to reduce government expenditure. It was also observed that government expenditure can be improved by fostering government revenue. In view of this, apart from domestic efforts, interventions of international communities are further needed to reduce the drastic effects of terrorism, especially in meeting and improving expenditure on growth-enhancing sectors.

Pyrotechnic effects and spectacular death belong to the symbolism of terror and political assassination – bizarre techniques of miscommunication through fear practiced on the innocent and designed to effect social change. While focusing on the use of terror in 9-11, this article deals with both terror and political assassination as closely related communicative practices of death. It outlines a theory of terrorism that suggests September 11 may be an example of expedient terrorist destruction ordered from within the state, a macabre instance of a state protection racket. Commentators on the left tend to see terrorism as a blow extended by the oppressed against exploiters. However, terrorism is much less likely to be a manifestation of a revolt by – or on behalf of – the underprivileged than a demonstration of brute force by the state or its agents. Machiavellian state terrorism is terror/assassination performed for reasons different from the publicized ones; often initiated by persons or groups other than those suspected of the act; and – most important – secretly perpetrated by, or on behalf, of the violated state itself. Machiavellian state terror advances the ruling agenda, while disguising itself as the work of individuals or groups opposed to the state's fundamental principles. As an example, the article reviews a mysterious 1971 assassination in Paris that obliquely foreshadows some critical elements of the official story of 9-11. The article underlines the importance of oppositional theorizing: questioning government and looking for connections between events are critical features of what it means to be vitally active in the political universe.

The relationship between terrorism and foreign direct investment (FDI) has stimulated research curiosity given its effects on lives lost, injuries, property damaged, and the psychological aftereffects, which to a very large extent impact economic growth and development. The realization of the magnitude of its influence on bilateral economic ties engineered the study, which examined the impact of terrorism on FDI in Nigeria. The data for this study were sourced from Global Terrorism Index (GTI), Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) database, International Country Risk Guide (ICRG)’s Quality of Governance (QoG) database, Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Bulletin, and World Bank Development Indicators (WDI) using autoregressive distributive lag (ARDL) bounds testing approach as described by Pesaran et al. (2001). From the results obtained, military expenditure, episode(s) of ethnic violence, and terrorist attacks have all been noted to have negative and significant impacts on FDI in Nigeria. The implication is that the reduction in FDI observed in the data is attributed to terrorism. Therefore, governments should overhaul the security apparatus so as to quell the menace of terrorists. This will go a long way to create a conducive environment for FDI to thrive, which will create more jobs for the growth and development of the Nigerian economy.

This chapter analyzes the impact of terrorism in South Asian countries. The study is based on secondary data collected from South Asian Report, crime records, South Asia Terrorism Portal, and other reports. Descriptive statistics of South Asia shows that out of the total deaths due to terrorism, 52.63 percent of the deaths occurred among terrorists, 35.22 percent civilians, and only 12.15 percent among the security forces (SFs). Human Development Index (HDI) and total number of fatalities in the region are highly correlated with an expected negative sign. This means that terrorist activities have adversely affected human development in the South Asian region. Besides, human development of the SFs has been highly hampered by their fatalities, with that of terrorists being relatively low. Civilians are relatively less affected by the fatalities as the correlation results show a moderate (−0.543) value. Total number of deaths due to terrorism in India was 21,942 between 2005 and 2018 but was 57,840 in Pakistan, which is substantially higher compared to India. The number of deaths of civilians, SFs, and terrorists in Pakistan is almost double that of India during the same period. In India, civilian deaths due to terrorism have significantly reduced over time. In Pakistan, civilian deaths have increased from 2005 to 2013, thereafter reducing. Terrorist groups have been subjected to major loss due to more deaths among them. With regard to terrorism, Pakistan is the most critical country in the South Asian region. Regional cooperation in South Asia and multilateral discussions can reduce terrorism in this region.

The purpose of this study is to define the interactions that determine how secure a society is from terrorism and to propose a method for measuring the threat of terrorism in an objective and spatio-temporally comparable manner.

Game-theoretic analysis of the determinants of security and discussion of how to implement these interactions into a measure of security.

We show that governments concerned with popularity have an incentive to over-invest in security and that, in certain situations, this leads to a deterioration in net security position. Our discussion provides an implementable means for measuring the levels of threat and protection, as well as individuals’ perceptions of both, which we propose can be combined into an objective and scientific measure of security.

The implication for researchers is the suggestion that efficiency, as well as scale of counter-terrorism, is important in determining a country’s overall security position. Furthermore, we suggest that individuals’ perceptions are at least as important in determining suitable counter-terrorism policy as objective measures of protection and threat. The limitations of this research are found in the vast data requirements that any attempt to measure security will need.

We propose the first method for objectively measuring the net security position of a country, using economic and econometric means.

This chapter attempts to highlight the economic perspective behind the rising incidence of terrorism across the world that has impinged a serious threat to the sustainability of mankind. Based on the sample of 123 countries all over the world, it has sought to analyze the relationship between the intensity of terrorism faced by a country and the level of its economic development. Moreover, classifying terrorist activities as externally sponsored and internal militancy triggered by extremist outfits, this chapter seeks to identify which type of terrorism is more pronounced in a country and the underlying economic considerations. Besides, in this study, an attempt has been made to examine the extent to which a country’s military expenditure is attributable to the degree of terrorism it is exposed to.