Search results

The development of Tanzanian civil society is widely understood to be one of the key processes in the democratization of the country, and this vision is also shared by the World Bank. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the intention and impact of World Bank policies aimed at supporting Tanzanian civil society organizations.

The paper uses the Lacanian psychoanalytic approach combined with Foucault's notion of governmentality as a conceptual tool. Within this theoretical framework, a specific World Bank programme in Tanzania, the Social Development Civil Society Fund, is analyzed.

Developed democratic states produce, through the World Bank, the desires of not‐yet‐fully democratic countries to embrace the benefits that (democratic) development can bring. The World Bank programme aimed at the development of Tanzanian civil society is formulated in a way that posits Tanzania as a not‐yet‐fully democratic country. This is achieved through the World Bank's advice and recommendations, which trigger the desires of Tanzanians to participate in development and thus to achieve (always elusive) prosperity and democracy. Moreover, the World Bank programme can be seen as an ensemble of governmental practices advancing the idea of self‐empowerment through which Tanzanians are made governable.

The paper contributes to the understanding of democratic transition, from the perspective of Lacanian psychoanalysis, as a social fantasy that plays a crucial role in the constitution of global hierarchical relationships and in the construction of the identities of so‐called democratic states and not‐yet‐fully democratic countries. Within this scheme, the World Bank's policies are governmental technologies that trigger desires of not‐yet‐fully democratic countries.

What drives this diffusion process? One neo-institutional answer to this question is that new models of nationhood, organization, and social identity exist in the larger world environment (Meyer, 2009, p. 36ff). Because they are external, these “identities” and models can be adopted without huge costs and without necessarily entailing the reorganization of society or actors’ personalities. Thus the models of modern society can spread quickly because they are relatively easy to assume and because they have high legitimacy in the international environment. Conformity produces instrumental rewards as well. And it also signals to significant “other” nations and international bodies that a nation has accepted modernity and its responsibilities (see Boli & Thomas's discussion, 1999). Thus, foreign aid, loans, and credit may flow quickly to those developing countries that enact modern institutional structures like mass education and democratic elections.

This paper uses the four occupational categories identified by the OECD ‐ information producers, information processors, information distributors and infrastructure providers ‐ to explore the state of the information economy of countries in the Asia Pacific region. As would be expected, the developed countries in the region have more advanced information economies than the developing countries as measured by the outputs of these four occupational categories. This does not imply that the developing countries in the region are sitting on their hands. Many countries have developed strategies to improve their information technology and telecommunications infrastructure. The paper argues that perhaps too much emphasis has been placed on infrastructure development and not enough on human resource development. It identifies in particular the need to train information processors (i.e. people who use information for the creation of new knowledge, to make decisions or to increase productivity and profit) through the development of information literacy skills, and information distributors, particularly library and information professionals. In connection with the training of information professionals, the writer argues that the current curriculum in many library schools is no longer suitable, and stresses the need to build a curriculum that revolves around the model of the virtual library and the Internet

To examine whether indigenous critiques of globalization and critical theories of modernity are compatible, and how they can complement each other so as to engender more realistic theories of modern society as inherently constructive and destructive, along with practical strategies to strengthen modernity as a culturally transformative project, as opposed to the formal modernization processes that rely on and reinforce modern societies as structures of social inequality.

Comparison and assessment of the foundations, orientations, and implications of indigenous critiques of globalization and the Frankfurt School’s critical theory of modern society, for furthering our understanding of challenges facing human civilization in the twenty-first century, and for opportunities to promote social justice.

Modern societies maintain order by compelling individuals to subscribe to propositions about their own and their society’s purportedly “superior” nature, especially when compared to indigenous cultures, to override observations about the de facto logic of modern societies that are in conflict with their purported logic.

Social theorists need to make consistent efforts to critically reflect on how their own society, in terms of socio-historical circumstances as well as various types of implied biases, translates into research agendas and propositions that are highly problematic when applied to those who belong to or come from different socio-historical contexts.

An effort to engender a process of reciprocal engagement between one of the early traditions of critiquing modern societies and a more recent development originating in populations and parts of the world that historically have been the subject of both constructive and destructive modernization processes.

As world society develops and nations become embedded in it, cultural patterns that began as properties of Western modernity diffuse to other areas. Individualism has long been noted as a unique feature of American nationalism (Arieli, 1964; Greene, 1993; Lipset, 1963, 1996). But both the spread of democracy and the declining legitimacy of dictatorship and racism after WW II opened the gates for forms of egalitarianism and individualism to spread transnationally (see Elliott & Lemert, 2006; Gaddis, 2005, p. 164ff). This chapter considers the consequences of this transformation.

Despite profound differences, both the German Historical School and the critical theory of the Frankfurt School have in common a theoretical and cultural heritage in Central European traditions of social thought and philosophy. Although both schools often are perceived as quintessentially German traditions of economic and social research, their methodological presuppositions and critical intent diverge strongly. Since the objective of the Frankfurt School was to carry the theoretical critique initiated by Marx into the twentieth century, and since its members did so on a highly abstract level of theoretical criticism, the suggestion may be surprising that in terms of their respective research agendas, there was a common denominator between the German Historical School and the Frankfurt School critical theory. To be sure, as will become apparent, the common ground was rather tenuous and indirect. We must ask, then: in what respects did their theoretical and analytical foundations and orientations overlap? How did the German Historical School, as a nineteenth-century tradition of economic thinking, influence the development of the Frankfurt School?

To maximize society's welfare, economists should be concerned with the efficient use of the stock of natural resources. The stock of natural resources is a gift of nature. The usefulness of this stock comes from its alternative uses, e.g. existence, exploitation and bequest. Therefore, the maintenance of this stock should be part and parcel of economic policymaking, particularly in less developed countries. Otherwise, the latter countries will face scarcity of wealth induced by decline of their environment.

Applying theories of entrepreneurship, the paper aims to identify the factors – with theoretical explanations – that act as barriers to migrant women entrepreneurs (MWEs), particularly women from developing countries starting businesses in developed economies. The paper further seeks to explore which barriers also have the potential to act as enablers.

The relationship between immigration, ethnicity, gender and entrepreneurship has received little theoretical attention. Linking these discourses, the paper theoretically develops a framework of the possible barriers or enablers faced by MWEs.

The paper reinforces earlier research that MWEs are not a homogeneous group; the problems they face are multifaceted, and MWEs from developing countries are the most disadvantaged of entrepreneurs. It identifies multiple factors – human capital, culture, family, institutional factors, gender and social capital – as possible barriers for MWEs. Findings further indicate that among those barriers, culture, family, social capital and gender have the potential to play a dual role for MWEs, by acting either as a barrier or an enabler. Findings also highlight the overarching and predominant influence of culture – as explained by cultural theory – acting as a barrier for MWEs from developing countries.

This is a theoretical paper. Empirical research is needed to test the framework and its different dimensions. Given the diversity of MWEs and the factors that shape their entrepreneurial endeavours, it is difficult to develop a single framework to encompass the complexity of the situation. Nevertheless, the proposed framework provides useful insights into the barriers or enablers that MWEs face, along with theoretical explanations and, thus, acts as a springboard for future research.

Given the increasing potential of MWEs, the paper provides implications for not only addressing the barriers but also viewing the barriers as ways to promote entrepreneurship among such minority groups. It further stresses a needs‐based approach to customizing policies to benefit the diverse group of MWEs.

By providing a theory‐based framework of the barriers or enablers faced by MWEs, along with policy implications, the paper contributes to a better understanding of the phenomenon of migrant women entrepreneurship.

This paper seeks to understand the role of financial accounting regulations in a less developed country in transition, Egypt. It explores the social, political as well as economic contexts that underlie the processes of setting the Egyptian Financial Accounting Regulations (EFAR) in a harmony with International Accounting Standards (IASs).

The paper is based on in‐depth interviews and an analysis of documents. It relies on Habermas' notions of society's lifeworld, institutional steering mechanisms and systems in order to link the changes in EFAR to the changes in the wider social, political and economic contexts wherein organizations operate. The paper also explores the role of EFAR, as “regulative” or “constitutive” steering mechanisms, throughout two longitudinal episodes; starting with the beginning of socialism and extending to liberalism.

The paper finds that the EFAR have had a constitutive tendency during the Egyptian transformation towards a market‐based economy. Although there are remarkable changes in political philosophy in Egypt, the regulators' motivations and the processes of the accountancy profession that mobilized the formulation of EFAR in harmony with IASs, those regulations were acted upon to constitute organizational members' values, norms and knowledge in order to overcome the persistence of the socialist accounting practices. The regulations were also aimed at enhancing professional conduct and, at same time, increasing organizational members' adherence to the processes of privatization as a part of a wider movement towards transparency, democracy, full disclosure and liberalisation.

The paper emphasises the interface between a macro social transformation and micro organizational responses in order to understand the role of EFAR. However, it does not stress how the actual implementation of those regulations is implicated at a micro organizational change level. Furthermore, the paper covers a timeframe – 1952 to 2000 – that extends from the start of socialism extending to liberalism. Although the IASs are now known as International Financial Reporting Standards (IFRS), the paper covers a period in which such IFRS were not applicable in Egypt.

The paper contributes to the understanding of the social, political as well as economic role(s) of financial accounting regulations in a transitional country during that country's transformation towards the market economy.