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In December 2001 the then Department of Transport, Local Government and the Regions (DTLR but now currently the Office for the Deputy Prime Minister, hereafter referred to as ODPM) issued the tender document it had promised for the review and update of 5/94 Planning Out Crime (Home Office, 1994) The specification was for good practice guidance on planning out crime to be written within 6 months. Notwithstanding this exercise, the writer contends that in the face of the research, literature, legislation and expertise in relation to designing out crime, papers issued by ODPM and the form of the tender document itself demonstrate that it remains uncommitted to many of the accepted principles of design‐against‐crime and to the cross‐cutting crime reduction obligations of the police and local authorities under the 1998 Crime and Disorder Act. The author anticipates that this lack of commitment may be evident in the forthcoming revised planning out crime guidance and suggests possible approaches to this potentially influential document.

Various authors have tested for the presence of a relationship between unemployment and crime, employing time‐series or cross‐sectional data. However, little use has been made of the British Crime Survey. Consequently, in the present paper, we test for the presence of a relationship between male unemployment and crime, using regional and area‐level crime data from the 1992 British Crime Survey, with socio‐economic and demographic data being taken from the 1991 census. Use of these data sets allows us to look at four differing measures of crime: we can study possible relationships between male unemployment and the incidence, and prevalence, of both property and personal crimes. Area‐level data are also employed to test more ecological explanations of spatial crime patterns.

The crime of embezzlement and bribery is a wide‐spread crime in the present‐day world. It impairs the property relationship protected by the law and the reputation of state organs and personnel. The party in power and the government in China have always persisted in fighting corruption and building clean and honest government and concentrated on using legal weapons to fight the crime of embezzlement and bribery resolutely. In recent years, China has made tremendous gains in fighting this crime. For 17 years, from 1979 to 1995, the Chinese procuratorial organs investigated and dealt with more than 458,000 cases of embezzlement and bribery. Meanwhile, it should be recognised that the crime is still a serious problem which hinders China's great cause of reform and opening up to the outside world. In particular, during the period of the transition from the old economic structure to the new one, the crime of embezzlement and bribery in this country shows many new characteristics. The major manifestations of the crime are listed below.

This article traces the development of ideas and policies linked to the shifting definitions of crime reduction, prevention and community safety. The conceptual changes are often difficult to define due to imprecision and breadth. Community safety is sufficiently broad to be concerned with a range of harms and hazards beyond crime and disorder, which may become the focus of the emerging new forms of government.

In 1988, Donald Cressey published a previously overlooked article. According to Cressey, there was a lack in the agenda of corporate crime research concerning theory and conceptual precision of what exactly the scientific object was and how it could reinforce the understanding of white-collar criminality. Cressey stated the idea that a fictitious person, such as a corporation, upon which were bestowed properties such as a will of its own (intentions and motivations) and a consciousness to act morally and ethically have a responsibility to follow the order of law, leds to a fundamental theoretical problem in terms of discovering the causes of crimes committed by such a fictitious person. I follow this line of thought about the arguments made by representatives of corporate crime. Specifically, I follow the concept of “decoupling,” by using various techniques of formal logic. The conclusion is that the concept of corporate crime is a logical contradiction (an eternal false statement), but the research has one analytical point which must be incorporated into the research of white-collar criminality: how structural conditions of a corporation’s policy and strategy “produce” or influence the individuals within the corporation to make decisions. The aim of the paper is to prove on logical grounds that the direction of research on corporate crime is on the wrong track to find the truth (basic elements and mechanisms) about white-collar crime.

Using formal logic, specifically modal logic.

The concept “corporate crime” is a logical contradiction.

Concerning the conclusion, the implications has to be that corporate crime is a misleading concept in the research agenda of white-collar crime.

The authors have to reconsider the whole research field of corporate crime research.

To best of my knowledge, no one has before done a critic of corporate crime concept by formal logic.

In this article Lucy Stone discusses the uneven distribution of crime and concern about crime and how it is amplified by disadvantage. She suggests a new way of viewing the impact of crime and its role in compounding disadvantage.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the impact of economic conditions on various categories of criminal activities in Malaysia for the period 1973‐2003.

The autoregressive distributed lag bounds testing procedure was employed as the main tool. Dynamic ordinary least squares was also used to check the robustness of the results.

The results indicate that murder, armed robbery, rape, assault, daylight burglary, and motorcycle theft exhibit long‐run relationships with economic conditions, and the causal effect in all cases runs from economic conditions to crime rates and not vice versa. In the long‐run, strong economic performances have a positive impact on murder, rape, assault, daylight burglary, and motorcycle theft, while on the other hand, economic conditions have negative impact on armed robbery.

Further researches using other macroeconomic variables and also other countries are encouraged.

The important implication of this result is that real gross national product per capita is an exogenous variable and it is, therefore, useful for fiscal policy variable. Government of the day should seriously consider the results of this study in any crimefighting policies that are formulated.

An economic viewpoint of criminal activities in Malaysia.

The purpose of this paper is to present an econometric analysis of hate crime against older people based on data for England and Wales for 2010-2011 disaggregated by Crown Prosecution Service area – a geographical unit which is co-terminus with local authorities.

The authors ran different specifications of structural regression models including one latent variable and accounting for a number of interactions between the covariates.

The paper suggests that the higher the level of other types of hate crime is in an area, the higher the level of hate crime against older people. Demographics are also significant: a higher concentration of older and young people partially explains hate crime levels against the former. Employment, income and educational deprivation are also associated with biased-crime against older people. Conviction rates seem to reduce hate crime against older people, and one indicator of intergenerational contact is not significant.

Due to data availability and quality, the paper only studies one years worth of data. Consequently, the research results may lack generalisability. Furthermore, the proxy variable for intergenerational contact may not be the most suitable indicator; however, there will not be any other indicators available until Census data come out.

The paper suggests that factors underlying hate crime would also influence hate crime against older people. Besides, the results would not support the “generational clash” view. Tackling income, educational and employment deprivation would help significantly reduce the number of episodes of biased criminal activity against older people. Improving conviction rates of all types of hate crime would also contribute to the reduction of hate crime against older people.

This paper presents the first econometric analysis of hate crime against older people.

Hate crime law in Scotland is distinct. The law was extended to cover religious hate crime in 2003, and has been extended to cover disability, sexual orientation and transgender identity by the Offences (Aggravation by Prejudice) (Scotland) Act 2009 (Scottish Parliament, 2009a). The coverage of transgender identity in relation to the law is unique in Europe. The legislation was developed through a consultative process that led to consensus on the exclusion of similar provisions for age and gender crime. Scotland has not extended the offence of stirring up racial hatred to other forms of hatred. Hate crime prosecution rates are significantly higher in Scotland, and much higher for religious crime, in comparison with England and Wales.

There is a real paucity of evidence relating to homophobic hate crimes in Britain. This has hampered intelligence‐led approaches by the police and other criminal justice agencies in tackling the issues facing many lesbian, gay and bisexual people. This article reports on evidence generated by Stonewall's Homophobic Hate Crime: The gay British crime survey 2008 (Dick, 2008). In particular, it demonstrates the importance of good quality and up‐to‐date evidence by highlighting the fact that under‐reporting of homophobic hate crimes is caused by far more complex factors than previously assumed. Yet, numerous initiatives to tackle hate crime have been based on outdated assumptions around reasons for under‐reporting. The article also contends that the move towards a ‘cross‐strand’ approach and local priority setting threatens the embryonic work on homophobic hate crimes.