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The European Union (EU) is not a state, though it has some statelike attributes; it is not an empire, though it includes many former European imperial powers; and it is not a federation, though Euro-federalists seek to make it one. There is, however, no need to argue that the Union is a singularity, nor to invent novel terminology, such as that deployed by “neo-functionalists” and “intergovernmentalists” to capture its legal and political form. The EU is a confederation, but with consociational characteristics in its decision-making styles. This conceptualization facilitates understanding and helps explain the patterns of crises within the Union.

This chapter reflects on the challenges of connecting global leadership practice and theory through an academia-practitioner research project focused on global/international managers in Danish businesses in and outside Denmark. Based on research and dissemination activities conducted (in part by the authors) as part of the project and the associated cocreative forum, Global Leadership Academy (GLA), four learning points for global leadership development practice will be presented. Considerations for engaging global managers, particularly from small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), are discussed and implications for educational practice are provided. Specifically, issues concerning the challenges of self-identification of global managers, differentiation of types of global leadership roles and the contextualization of global leadership are discussed. This chapter is targeted toward faculty, consultants, trainers, and program designers (full-time or postexperience learning) seeking to design, recruit participants, and foster a meaningful global leadership learning experience for postexperience learners and global practitioners.

The results of the elections of July 2, 2000 that defeated the Revolutionary Institutional Party (PRI) for the first time in history may open a new stage in the relations between trade unions and a state ridden with uncertainties. This is evidenced by the behavior of some of the main trade union leaders in Mexico after July 2: erratic behavior; attempts at alliances that would have been unthinkable in the past; and flirting with the presidency. It is the leadership, the strength of the confederations, which is at stake. The powerful may weaken and those who have been marginalized may enter the fray. Other actors, the workers, however, have remained in the background for years. Attention must be paid to them. For the workers, since the early 1980s, neoliberalism has meant reductions in wages and contract benefits, large personnel cut-backs, the disarticulation of the “old working class,” and the emergence of a “new working class” in the maquila. In other words, labor has been restructured in part through modernizing production.

The Treaty drafting the Constitution for Europe was signed in Rome on October 29, 2004. The Constitution provided for a federal form of government. Signatories to the Treaty included all heads of state or government of the 25 Member States of the European Union (EU). As per the EU principle of consensus, it requires unanimous approval by all Member States to become effective. As per protocol, the two – Bulgaria and Romania – who joined the EU in 2007, accepted the Treaty.

It could be argued that in Argentina, workers’ voice has never been silenced. In a legislative system protecting workers and politically and legally empowering trade unions, these organisations have historically represented workers. Voice however has never been limited to institutionalised and organisational forms. It has often exploded in informal ways out of workers’ experiences of the precariousness of their labour processes and of the contradictions generated between this and formal voice and representation. But it has also emerged in novel forms, through the occupation of factories, roads and public places, in moments of deep economic crisis or among groups of informally employed workers.

The case of Argentina certainly calls for a broader understanding of voice tied to the idea of voice as a socially and politically mediated process, through which formal and informal channels of voice can be alternatively created, destroyed and recreated.

The paper attempts to trace these multiple forms of voice in the recent social history of Argentina using ethnographic research conducted by the author.

An increasing number of environmental threats towards tourism landmarks have significantly raised public concerns about tourists being environmentally responsible. Negative ecological consequences from tourism-related activities have triggered the growing usage of environmental-focused events such as Earth Hour as a means to promote pro-environmental behaviour. Despite their size, increasing holiday behaviour and their marketplace dominance within the next decade, students’ environmental beliefs and their interest in participating in environmental-focused events such as Earth Hour is relatively unknown. This academic limitation and potential theoretical and practical implications provide the impetus for this study. Based on a sample of 410 students, three environment belief factors of students were determined. Further, students’ concerns for the environment were derived from the environmental vulnerability factor. Students’ beliefs do not directly impact their decision to participate in environmental-focused events or their awareness of the theme of Earth Hour. However, environment vulnerability influenced students’ intention to participate in future Earth Hour events. Recommendations are made, while future research opportunities are also outlined.

Several scholars have maintained that corporatist arrangements may contribute to a national consensus between groups with opposing interests (Katzenstein, 1985; Siaroff, 1999). Some have even described (neo) corporatism as a strategy for consensus building (Woldendorp, 1995). These general viewpoints seem to imply that participation in the various channels and networks in a corporatist system may influence participants to moderate their ideological attitudes, to become more centrist. Participation has a “civilising” effect. In a study of the Swedish industrial relations system Öberg and Svensson (2002) concluded, however, that there is not much trust across the class borders, a finding which questions the validity of these assumptions. It seems therefore appropriate to test these assumptions empirically in a variety of national settings.