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This study examines the views of a group of managers about the value of the collective bargaining process as a means of dealing with a variety of job‐related issues. The…
This study examines the views of a group of managers about the value of the collective bargaining process as a means of dealing with a variety of job‐related issues. The views reported indicate that collective bargaining is considered most effective in dealing with the traditional wages, hours, fringe benefit, grievances subjects of bargaining, which are in turn considered the job‐related issues of major concern to workers. The success of collective bargaining in dealing with these traditional matters did not seem to be related to the existence of clear cut differences between union and management goals on these matters. There was also found to be little management support for extending the subject matter of collective bargaining, except in the area of job security.
EU social policy is perhaps the most controversial aspect of European integration yet, despite all the political clashes on the matter, concepts like “social Europe” or “social dimension” remain ill‐defined and imprecise terms. Intends to outline and clarify in detail the debate about whether or not the European Union should have competence with regard to labour market affairs. A key message is that social policy has been controversial because it has become embroiled in the debate about the future political direction of the EU. In particular, three contrasting political models –symbiotic integration, integrative federalism and neo‐liberalism – have been put forward as organizing principles for the EU and each has a coherent view of what form social policy should take at the European level. It is the clash between these three models that has caused EU social policy to be so contestable and intractable.
Examines the history of the Commission on Industrial Relations (CIR) 1969‐74 ‐ its origins, organization and policies ‐ and then evaluates its contribution as an agent of…
Examines the history of the Commission on Industrial Relations (CIR) 1969‐74 ‐ its origins, organization and policies ‐ and then evaluates its contribution as an agent of reform in the context of the perceived problems of the 1960s and 1970s. Considers whether there are any lessons to be learnt for the future given the possibility of a Labour Government, developments in Europe and the 1995 TUC policy document Your Voice at Work. Despite the drastic changes in industrial relations and in the economic, political and social environment, the answer is in the affirmative. In particular, the importance of a new third‐party agency having an independent governing body like the CIR and not a representative body like the Advisory, Conciliation and Arbitration Service (ACAS); in its workflow not being controlled by government; and in its decisions on recognition being legally enforceable.
Management industrial relations policy and management style are examined in a panel of 50 highly unionised companies between 1979 and 1991. Management policy in panel…
Management industrial relations policy and management style are examined in a panel of 50 highly unionised companies between 1979 and 1991. Management policy in panel firms in 1979 was relatively uniform, centred upon collective bargaining and the closed shop. A much broader spectrum of policies was evident in 1991, although collective bargaining was retained as part of the policy‐making framework in the large majority of companies. A minority of firms had either a strategic planning or financial control management style, which may be associated with tighter regulation of industrial relations. The majority had a strategic control style, the effects of which were more ambiguous.
Uses the concept of institutional separation to examine changes in the management of industrial relations in an organization studied on two occasions ten years apart…
Uses the concept of institutional separation to examine changes in the management of industrial relations in an organization studied on two occasions ten years apart. Argues that the concept provides insights into the management of industrial relations, but needs to be modified to take account of the form of institutional separation and the employees and issues under consideration.
This article shows that regulation of the employment relationship in European public services has tended to give more importance to collective bargaining than to…
This article shows that regulation of the employment relationship in European public services has tended to give more importance to collective bargaining than to unilateral employer regulation. Although collective bargaining is a general trend, it is not the same in every country. This article concentrates on collective bargaining levels and the outcomes of collective bargaining in selected European states. A major explanatory factor of the extent of collective bargaining is the nature of the civil service system. Reformed “non‐career” systems tend to adopt collective bargaining institutions, resulting in binding collective agreements between employers and unions, while classical “career” systems do not.
For much of their history, wages councils havefunctioned in conditions in which public policy, asexpressed in legislation, has favoured thedevelopment of voluntary…
For much of their history, wages councils have functioned in conditions in which public policy, as expressed in legislation, has favoured the development of voluntary collective bargaining. Since 1979 there has been a marked change of emphasis. The effect of the legislative framework and other factors on the development of voluntary collective bargaining is discussed. Some recent research findings on wage regulation in hotels are presented and the future prospects for collective bargaining in the hotel industry are considered.
In recent years, the long-declining U.S. labor movement has refocused in new and promising ways on rank-and-file mobilization, in organizing drives, collective bargaining…
In recent years, the long-declining U.S. labor movement has refocused in new and promising ways on rank-and-file mobilization, in organizing drives, collective bargaining conflicts and political campaigns. Such efforts are widely viewed as the best hope for revitalizing the labor movement: breathing new life into tired old unions, winning organizing drives and raising membership levels, increasing political influence, pushing toward the power necessary to reform labor law and ineffective labor institutions. The stakes are high and the goals ambitious: to close the “representation gap” at the workplace, reverse growing economic and social inequality, and build new coalitions for expanded democratic participation in local, national and global politics.
The chapter elaborates a critical theoretical narrative about the political economy of European capitalism. It illustrates how precariousness has been exacerbated by the…
The chapter elaborates a critical theoretical narrative about the political economy of European capitalism. It illustrates how precariousness has been exacerbated by the impact of the global financial crisis and the emergence of a new system of European governance. Theoretical accounts in the sociology of work and labor studies have demonstrated the complexity of the outcomes and widely discussed the role of national labor market institutions and employment policies and practices, political ideology, and cultural frameworks impinging upon precarious work as a multidimensional concept. The chapter’s core concern is to illustrate how shifts in power resources, and particularly the weakening and deinstitutionalization of organized labor relative to capital, has acted as a central social condition that has brought about precariousness during the years leading up to and following the 2007–2008 crisis. In so doing, the chapter aims to overcome the existing theoretical accounts of precariousness which have often been limited by one or another variant of “methodological nationalism,” thereby exploring the transnational apparatuses that are emerging across national economies to date, and which impinge upon the structures and experiences that workers exhibit in an age of growing marketization.
Based on a representative survey of German subsidiaries in the UK, their parent companies and a comparative analysis to the Workplace Employee Relations Survey 1998, the…
Based on a representative survey of German subsidiaries in the UK, their parent companies and a comparative analysis to the Workplace Employee Relations Survey 1998, the article examines the impact of nationality of ownership on employee relations (ER) in German multinational companies (MNCs) operating in an Anglo‐Saxon setting. It also assesses whether in light of heightened international competition and the problems in the German ER model, there has been a weakening of the home country effect over time. The study finds little evidence of a home country effect in relation to ER structures but reveals a pronounced country‐of‐origin effect in the ER approach and style. There is also evidence that German MNCs have responded to the globalisation pressures of the 1990s by a heightened emphasis on the country‐of‐origin collective approach in their UK subsidiaries, whilst at the same time developing comprehensive direct human resource management employee involvement schemes to complement, rather than substitute collective ER.