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Evaluates changes in the welfare system in Sweden, the UK and the USA over a decade, basing arguments on the divergence of economic globalization and domestic forces. Presents brief economic snapshots of each country, stating quite categorically that the welfare state is an impediment to capitalist profit‐making, hence all three nations have retrenched welfare systems in the hope of remaining globally economically competitive. Lays the responsibility for retrenchment firmly at the door of conservative political parties. Takes into account public opinion, national institutional structures, multiculturalism and class issues. Explores domestic structures of accumulation (DSA) and refers to changes in the international economy, particularly the Bretton Woods system (Pax Americana), and notes how the economic health of nations mirrors that of the US. Investigates the roles of multinationals and direct foreign investment in the global economy, returning to how economic policy affects the welfare state. Points out the changes made to the welfare state through privatization, decentralization and modification of public sector financing. Concludes that the main result has been an increase in earnings inequality and poverty.

Explains the development of Israel’s welfare state, concentrating on the labour exchange system and housing. Links the development of the Zionist welfare state to economic and political conditions, in particular state‐building and the management of the Palestinian community within the state. Refers to literature on policy paradigms. Notes the stable institutional infrastructures developed by the Jewish community in Palestine and the Zionist labour movement, which led to an embryonic welfare state. Recounts the development of the labour exchange process and the public housing policy, describing how the policies reinforced statehood – settling immigrants into areas where Jewish presence needed strengthening and, at first, largely excluding the Palestinian community from access to housing and the labour process. Points out that, over time, the exclusion of Palestinians became unrealistic. Concludes that Israel’s welfare state was determined by political conditions of developing statehood – most importantly the exodus of Palestinians and the influx of Jewish immigrants.

Introduces a special issue on globalization and the welfare state. Asserts that economic globalization constrains national economic and social policy far more now than ever before, although the level of international trade has not increased that much compared to levels at the beginning of this century. Talks about the political consequences of economic globalization, particularly welfare state retrenchment in the advanced capitalist world. Outlines the papers included in this issue – comparing welfare system changes in Sweden, the UK and the USA; urban bias in state policy‐making in Mexico; and the developing of the Israeli welfare state. Concludes that economic globalization has a limited effect in shaping social welfare policy in advanced capitalist countries; nevertheless, recommends further research into which aspects of economic globalization shape social welfare policy.

Considers some differences between Anglo‐American and European modes of production and methods of professionalism. Looks at theoretical models of professions and states, taking into account Herbert Spencer’s work, as well as that of Weber, Durkheim and Foucault. Examines the implications a common European Union (EU) regime will have on professional services – focusing on formal mechanisms (such as international associations) and informal mechanisms (such as lobbying and networking). Raises some questions on how internationalization is reworking and redefining professions, with new processes and mechanisms developing at both national and international level. Promotes the urgency of developing sociological models of profession‐state relations at both levels.

Examines the Out of School childcare initiative in Scotland (in 1996) by gathering data from the 1991 census and carrying out questionnaire surveys and interviews with both workers, responsible for developing Out of School care, and parents. Compares the findings with earlier research carried out in 1995. Assesses the impact the initiative has had on creating new jobs, improving access to employment for parents using the service, and how well the scheme answers the needs of women workers. Indicates from results obtained that parents had experienced a change in economic activity – increasing hours worked or starting a new job – and/or increased training take‐up. Records also that efficiency and enjoyment of work increased as gender inequalities began to be tackled. Notes that Out of School care schemes were more likely to occur in areas of higher socio‐economic composition, yet Out of School childcare could be part of an anti‐poverty strategy, encouraging women from deprived areas to enter the labour market. Claims that the scheme has had contradictory impacts but that it is hampered by lack of adequate and long‐term funding.

Investigates urban bias in state policy making in Mexico. Refers to literature claiming that rural poverty in developing nations is a major problem because capitalism reflects an urban bias. Examines social security coverage for the rural poor in Mexico and notes that there are great variations depending on area, suggesting that social security coverage is politically negotiable. Outlines briefly the historical development of Mexico’s welfare state and uses a power resource model to demonstrate how groups with competing interests go about securing benefits from the state. Cites literature on dependency theory, indicating that rural groups have failed to mobilize politically and have therefore not secured the same state resources (such as social security benefits and housing) as urban groups, yet argues that this does not always apply in Mexico, partially due to party politics and bureaucratic paternalism. Explains how data was collected to examine regional variations in social security coverage among the rural poor and how the data was analysed. Reveal that workers in important international export markets (such as cotton and sugar) have greater political leverage in obtaining better social security benefits. Notes also that areas supporting the political party in power obtain better benefits. Concludes, therefore, that rural workers are not powerless in the face of urban capitalism and that urban bias and dependency theories do not reflect the situation in Mexico – rather social security benefits are politically negotiable.

Puts forward the limit to growth perspective, which is rarely mentioned in societies devoted to the increase of material living standards. Outlines the resources each individual in rich countries uses and extrapolates those figures to cover the rest of the world’s population, proving that it is clearly impossible to sustain such living standards. Criticizes profit maximization, market forces and the pursuit of business opportunities as inappropriate to the needs of the world’s poor majority. Explores how society could reduce its per capita resource use and environmental impact, particularly through the development of small scale self‐sufficient economies. Points out that most of the real economy would be in non‐cash areas. Hastens to mention that a simpler, less material and closer‐to‐nature lifestyle does not exclude information technology. Indicates that access to communal property and service needs to replace income as the means to a satisfying life. Summarizes how community gardens can be set up and the roles that community workers could play in saving towns.

Most businessmen believe there is a very strong relationship between high market share and increased profitability. Indeed, this connection is supported by findings from the 3‐year‐old PIMS (Profit Impact of Market Strategy) project, a study of the determinants of profitability in the modern corporation. In a recent MSI Working Paper, Professors Robert D. Buzzell (Harvard Business School) and Bradley T. Gale (University of Massachusetts), and Dr. Ralph G. M. Sultan (Royal Bank of Canada) analyze the PIMS data to show that market share is a major determinant of business profitability. (In an earlier MSI Working Paper, “PIMS: A Breakthrough in Strategic Planning,” PIMS researchers Drs. Sidney Schoeffler, Robert Buzzell, and Donald Heany reported the major study findings and described the PIMS project's objectives, design, and background.)

Discusses attempts by the government’s political opposition (in the UK) to break the consensus on welfare and considers whether the recent change in political power has materially altered the direction of policy relating to care in the community and the role of social workers. Charts the development of the British welfare state from its conception in 1945 through to the present day, focussing on recent reforms in community care provisions and the role of social workers; details how the profession has been undermined by a series of events and profiles the former government’s response. Identifies that the welfare role of social workers has diminished, and been replaced with a social control function. Concludes that, despite the legacy inherited from the previous government, a shift in the political approach to social services and community care provision is discernible.

Reviews literature on industrial choice, ethnography and flexible specialization. Investigates flexible specialization in more depth, claiming that before ethnographic description can be achieved, abstract simplifications and the choices facing businesses in the local community have to be overcome. Proposes two models for economic recovery – flexible specialization and multinational Keynesianism – and discusses the boundaries that both models impose. Explores the public sphere and enterprise culture, particularly in the UK. Warns of the dangers of ethnographic studies of communities, specifically the imposition of meaning onto communal exchanges. Talks also of social solidarity. Observes that the identification of a communal language and a common work culture is tricky but that ethnography has a role to play in establishing the meaning of flexible specialization in small business communities.