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This chapter investigates how alternative digital journalism operates in the broader context of the austerity economy in Greece. Using as a background the historical interweaving of interests between economic power, political power and media, this chapter explores the current state of digital journalism in Greece and whether it can flourish and serve the ideals of independence, objectivity and pluralism. The Internet provides new possibilities for pluralism in journalism and gives rise to alternative media outlets that purport objectivity and independence from vested economic interests (e.g., advertising) and political pressures. However, the financial sustainability of such ventures is questionable and the regulatory framework in a heavily concentrated Greek media ecology weak or nonexisting. In this chapter, we examine the origins and mission statements of selected cases of alternative digital media outlets/projects, as well as their financing sources and business models. We then discuss sustainability issues and the limits to alternative digital journalism. Our empirical data derive from desktop research, short structured interviews with academics and longer semistructured interviews with key actors of alternative digital media.

Purpose – Although scholars have long been interested in how social movements use mass media to forward their goals, sociological research almost exclusively focuses on the ability of activist groups to get their ideas and organizations in general audience, mainstream media coverage. This paper contributes to a more systematic understanding of media coverage outcomes by broadening the range of outlets considered relevant to political discourse. In addition to mainstream venues, we consider conservative and liberal/left outlets in our analysis of social movement organization media coverage.

Method – Using negative binomial regression, we analyze how organizational characteristics, organizational frames, political elites, and event type affect the rates of social movement organization media coverage in mainstream and partisan news venues.

Findings – We find that the independent variables play very different roles in mainstream and partisan media coverage outcomes. Specifically, while organizational characteristics and frames often enhance the media coverage outcomes of activist groups in mainstream venues, political elites have no effect at all. In contrast, organizational characteristics and frames do not affect social movement media coverage in partisan outlets, whereas political elites and event type do.

Originality of the paper – Conceptually, this research broadens how scholars think about the relationship between social movement groups and mass media as well as the factors that influence media outcomes.

This chapter explains how SYRIZA managed to build international support up to the January 2015 election with very limited resources, and against mainstream coverage, by relying essentially on grassroots movements and social media. It also shows how, approaching to power, SYRIZA's political, but also communication strategy, became more institutionalised and relied less on grassroots campaigning. Methodologically, our research is based on the following research techniques: First, interviews with activists and members of the party as well as observations inside its social media team. Second, the study of online content and data from 2006 to 2015. Overall, this chapter shows that SYRIZA's campaign on the Internet relied mainly on alternative media activists who acquired a specific savoir faire and developed international networks during the intense antiausterity social movement that took place in Greece between 2010 and 2013. The campaign was also supported by young experts from the private sector that contributed on a voluntary basis. Nevertheless, its success was mainly due to the European political context and the opportunities it offered to the radical Left, rather than the communication strategy, which in any case suffered from a lack of means and from a somewhat chaotic (non) organisation.

This chapter explores how feminist and women-owned media/organisations in Uganda, Rwanda and Tanzania navigated the impact of COVID-19. Three debilitating realities contextualise this study. The first is the fact that feminist media find themselves trapped in a global existential struggle following the steady collapse of traditional media’s economic models. Second, women’s owned media by their nature are marginal and undermined by hegemonic patriarchal power structures and third, COVID-19 spared no media. The pandemic devastated the media industry globally especially print, and community-owned media such as women’s owned media. The chapter is informed by political economy of feminist media theories with a main focus on principles of media viability. It draws from interviews with managers and senior reporters at leading feminist and women-owned media/organisations in the three countries. The findings shed light on how operations, human resources, content and financial sustainability were navigated and reshaped in a flawed health, political and socio-cultural systemic context that threatened to annihilate the case media. We highlighted the innovative solutions and resolve indicative of the resilience, determination and agency that these women-owned media/organisations exercised in the face of the crisis at the time, something others can learn from.

This chapter examines the framing of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) Movement in mainstream media. An analytic sample of 4,303 articles collected from the Dow Jones Factiva database reveals variation in depth, breadth, and intensity of BLM coverage in the following newspapers between 2012 and 2016: The St. Louis Post-Dispatch, The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Wall Street Journal, and Al Jazeera English. We review contemporary literature on racial inequality and employ Media Framing and Critical Race Theory to discuss the implications of our findings on public perceptions, future policy formation, and contemporary social protest worldwide.

Introduction – Community media was created as an alternative to the ever-globalising and rapidly monopolised media industry. This media is a unity that does not seek profit, voices the demands and problems of the community it serves, seeks the benefit of the public, and its creators are members of the community. It is seen as a tool for the development of democracy and pluralism, and to increase social impact. The sustainability of this tool has emerged as a debated topic in recent years. Community media can both serve as a tool for sustainable development and can be defined as a part of sustainable communication. The sustainability of community media is all about making the presence of the communicative tools of the community permanent and sustainable, or to insure the continuation of the community’s channels of communication as a part of a specific strategy.

Purpose – In this chapter, the author will discuss the concepts of community media, sustainability and female-oriented non-governmental organisations (NGOs), and then attempt to explain the media usage habits and the factors that affect the sustainability of the preferred channels of the female-oriented NGOs in İzmir.

Methodology – The study has been designed using a case study design based on qualitative research methods. Data have been collected via document analysis and in-depth face-to-face interviews. The data acquired were analysed descriptively.

Findings – Findings from the study show that the financial, content production-related, technical, and legal factors affect the sustainability of community media.

The mobilisations against the wildfires in Greece (2007) redefined the notion of environmentalism in the country, and it was one of the first examples which showcased the potential of digital media for protests and resistance in the Greek context. At the same time, the global recession strongly affected the environmental politics and policies applied in Greece, indicating threats, risks and areas of conflict (e.g., privatisation of recourses, water, etc.). Following the environmental protests of 2007, this study provides an insight into the case of #Skouries forest and the antimining protests, focussing on the period 2015–2017. The study developed through the analysis of online data (Twitter) which was collected during the period March 2015 to March 2017 (#skouries). This chapter develops an insight into the online networks, coalitions and dominant actors (SNA) and also investigates the hashtags evolution and discourse (Semantic analysis). The collection and visualisation of the data developed using NodeXL. This case is considered one of the most indicative examples of the Greek environmental movement, as this shaped during the evolution of social media and in the crisis context. As such, this chapter demonstrates that the importance of the use of Twitter for the organisation of the movement, as well as an alternative space for public engagement/debate on climate change and environmental-related issues.