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The purpose of this paper is to report the effect of sputtering time on the electrical and physical properties of ZrO_x. ZrO_x (measured thickness is ranging from 20.5 to 51.3 nm) thin films as gate oxide materials are formed by metal deposition at different sputtering time and thermal oxidation techniques.

Zirconium is deposited on silicon substrate at three different sputtering time; 30‐, 60‐ and 120‐s continued with an oxidation process conducted at 500°C for 15 min to form ZrO_x thin films. High‐resolution X‐ray diffraction (HR‐XRD), Fourier transform infrared (FTIR) spectroscopy and electrical characterizations were used to examine the properties of the thin film.

A broad ZrO_x peak lies in between 26° and 31° from HR‐XRD is presumed as the effect of small thickness of ZrO_x and or the ZrO_x is still partially crystalline. FTIR spectroscopy results suggested that besides ZrO_x, SiO_x interfacial layer (IL) has also formed in all of the investigated samples. As the sputtering time increases, hysteresis between the forward and reverse bias of capacitance‐voltage curve has reduced. The lowest leakage current density and the highest oxide breakdown voltage have been demonstrated by 60‐s sputtered sample. These may be attributed to a lower effective oxide charge and interface trap density. The extracted dielectric constant (κ) of these oxides is ranging from 9.4 to 18, in which the κ value increases with the increase in sputtering time.

ZrO_x thin film which was fabricated by sputtering method at different sputtering time and thermal oxidation techniques showed distinctive electrical results. SiO_x IL formed in the samples.

The chapter introduces the reader to select language of human sexuality and the definitions and characteristics of some key terms related to lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning/queer (LGBTQ+), identifies different theoretical perspectives of human sexuality and sexual orientation, and discusses select LGBTQ+ theories and concepts in a historical context that library and information science (LIS) professionals should consider while performing their roles related to information creation–organization–management–dissemination–research processes. It helps better understand the scope of what is LGBTQ+ information and traces its interdisciplinary connections to reflect on its place within the LIS professions. The chapter discusses these implications with the expectation of the LIS professional to take concrete actions in changing the conditions that lack fairness, equality/equity, justice, and/or human rights for LGBTQ+ people via the use of information. Important considerations in this regard include the need for an integrative interdisciplinary LGBTQ+ information model, growth of a diversified LGBTQ+ knowledge base and experiences, holistic LGBTQ+ information representations, LGBTQ+ activism, and participatory engagement and inclusion of LGBTQ+ users.

As a fountainhead of postcolonial scholarship, Edward Said has profoundly impacted multiple disciplines. This chapter makes a case for why sociologists should (re)read Edward Said, paying specific attention to his warning about the inevitably violent interactions between knowledge and power in historic and current imperial contexts. Drawing on Said and other postcolonial theorists, we propose a threefold typology of potential violence associated with the production of knowledge: (1) the violence of essentialization, (2) epistemic violence, and (3) the violence of apprehension. While postcolonial theory and sociological and anthropological writing on reflexivity have highlighted the former two dangers, we urge social scientists to also remain wary of the last. We examine the formation of structures of authoritative knowledge during the French Empire in North Africa, the British Empire in India, and the American interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan during the “Global War on Terror,” paying close attention to how synchronic instances of apprehension (more or less accurate perception or recognition of the “other”) and essentialization interact in the production of diachronic essentialist and epistemic violence. We conclude by calling for a post-orientalist form of reflexivity, namely that sociologists, whether they engage as public intellectuals or not, remain sensitive to the fact that the production and consumption of sociological knowledge within a still palpable imperial framework makes all three violences possible, or even likely.

How can we account for patterns of mobilization undertaken by ethnic movements? What leads ethnic collectives to shift between mobilization strategies? Addressing the general lack of attention in the ethnic conflict literature to the diverse political strategies employed by ethnic minorities – particularly those in democratic and semi-democratic contexts, this chapter accounts for mobilization as developing along an institutional spectrum of ethnic contention. I argue that the internal dynamics of ethnic movements shape patterns of mobilization. Utilizing literature from new institutionalism and employing the approach advanced by the study of contentious politics, ethnic movements are theorized as developing through the interplay of three causal mechanisms, which combine to form processes of institutionalization and deinstitutionalization. The process of deinstitutionalization is explored through the case of the mobilization of the Palestinian citizens of Israel, tracing the development of the three causal mechanisms and their influence on the collective’s mobilization pattern. The chapter concludes by considering the range of movements that can be explored along the institutional spectrum.

Contextualizing its argument specifically into the role and impact of the traditional political culture on the process of modernization, this paper aims to examine the “culture matters” approach through the two‐century experience of the top‐down modernization of the Ottoman‐Turkish civilization in the realm of state‐labor relations.

The paper makes a comparative analysis of the interplay between the state and craft associations in the Ottoman Empire, and then the state and labor organizations in contemporary Turkey in terms of the influence of the rules, norms and institutions transferred by the bureaucratic élites from Western Europe.

The paper concludes that a substantive democratic setting for the interplay of the state and labor organizations could not be built up without a self‐supportive political culture in view of the fact that the process of top‐down modernization/Europeanization in the Ottoman‐Turkish context has given rise to a never‐ending center‐periphery dichotomy between both inter‐class and intra‐class relationships.

The paper sheds light on the labor relations part of the Ottoman‐Turkish political culture and reveals its impact on the never‐ending top‐down modernization initiative.

How are social groups unmade? Current theories identify the symbolic power of the state as a primary factor in the creation of social groups. Drawing on Gramsci's The Southern Question, this chapter extends state-centered theories by exploring policies that are critical but under-theorized factors in group formation. These include the concession of material benefits as well as the use of coercive means. Further, while current theories focus on how social groups are made, a Gramscian perspective draws attention to how the state intervenes to prevent or neutralize group-making projects from below. This chapter explores a case of a decrease in national group solidarity. Specifically, this study explains how in the 1990s the Israeli state weakened national group formation among Palestinians by adopting two spatially distinct but coordinated strategies. First, the rearrangement of the military occupation of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank through the establishment of an authority of self-rule (the Palestinian Authority) demobilized and divided Palestinian residents of the Occupied Territories, especially along class-cum-moral lines. Second, state practices and discourses centered on citizenship rights shifted the center of political activism among Palestinian citizens of Israel toward citizenship issues. I argue that these two routes, which I call the indirect rule route and the civil society route, were complementary components of a broader attempt to neutralize Palestinian collective mobilization around nationhood. Despite recent changes and contestations, these two strategies of rule continue to affect group formation and to create distinct experiences of politics among Palestinians under Israeli rule. Analysis of the Palestinian–Israeli case shows that the state can unmake groups through the distribution of interrelated policies that are specific to certain categories of people and places. Understanding the conditions under which certain policies of inclusion or exclusion affect group formation requires going beyond the analytic primacy currently given to the symbolic power of the state.

This essay focuses on the Chinese-Japanese Library of the Harvard-Yenching Institute and examines how the Library collected and transported Chinese rare books to the United States during the 1930 and 1940s. It considers Harvard's rationale for its collection of Chinese books and tensions between Chinese scholars and the Harvard-Yenching Institute leaders and librarians over the purchase and “export” of Chinese books.

This research is a historical study based on archival research at Harvard-Yenching Institute and the Harvard-Yenching Library, as well as careful readings of published primary and secondary sources.

By examining the debates that surrounded the ownership of Chinese books, and the historical circumstances that enabled or hindered the cross-national movement of books, this essay uncovers a complex and interwoven historical discourse of academic nationalism, internationalism and imperialism.

Drawing upon the unexamined primary sources and published second sources, this essay uncovers a complex and interwoven historical discourse of academic nationalism, internationalism and imperialism.

The purpose of this study is to fabricate an ultraviolet (UV) metal-semiconductor-metal (MSM) photodetector based on zinc oxide nanorods (ZnO NRs) grown on seeded silicon (Si) substrate that was prepared by a low-cost method (drop-casting technique).

The drop-casting method was used for the seed layer deposition, the hydrothermal method was used for the growth of ZnO NRs and subsequent fabrication of UV MSM photodetector was done using the direct current sputtering technique. The performance of the fabricated MSM devices was investigated by current–voltage (I–V) measurements. The photodetection mechanism of the fabricated device was discussed.

Semi-vertically high-density ZnO (NRs) were effectively produced with a preferential orientation along the (002) direction, and increased crystallinity is confirmed by X-ray diffraction analysis. Photoluminescence results show a high UV region. The fabricated MSM UV photodetector showed that the ZnO (NRs) MSM device has great stability over time, high photocurrent, good sensitivity and high responsivity under 365 nm wavelength illumination and 0 V, 1 V, 2 V and 3 V applied bias. The responsivity and sensitivity for the fabricated ZnO NRs UV photodetector are 0.015 A W-1, 0.383 A W-1, 1.290 A W-1 and 1.982 A W-1 and 15,030, 42.639, 100.173 and 334.029, respectively, under UV light (365 nm) illumination at (0 V, 1 V, 2 V and 3 V).

This paper uses the drop-casting technique and the hydrothermal method as simple and low-cost methods to fabricate and improve the ZnO NRs photodetector.

This study explores the simultaneous transitions in Palestine/Israel and South Africa at the end of the 20th century through an analysis of the shifting geography of Johannesburg and Jerusalem. After analyzing the relationship between political, economic and spatial restructuring, I examine the walled enclosures that mark the landscapes of post-apartheid Johannesburg and post-Oslo Jerusalem. I conclude by arguing that these walled enclosures reveal several interconnected aspects of the relationship between neo-liberal restructuring and the militarization of urban space. They also exemplify different configurations of sovereignty under conditions of neo-liberalism and empire.