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After the Korean War, South Korean politics was dominated by national security concerns. Reversing Carl von Clausewitz's well-known dictum, in South Korea, “politics is the continuation of war by other means.” Until the late 1980s, politics in South Korea was far from democratic. South Korea had five direct presidential elections (1987, 1992, 1997, 2002, and 2007) and six national assembly elections (1988, 1992, 1996, 2000, 2004, and 2008) after the democratic transition of 1987. In 1992, a civilian candidate, Young Sam Kim, was elected president. Young Sam Kim (1993–1998) prosecuted and punished former generals turned presidents Doo Hwan Chun (1980–1988) and Tae Woo Roh (1988–1993) for corruption, mutiny and treason in 1995. Dae Jung Kim (1998–2003) was elected president in 1997. For the first time in South Korean political history, regime change occurred between a ruling party and an opposition party.

In this chapter, the change and continuity of civil–military relations through the fluctuating dynamics of the democratic transition and consolidation in South Korea is examined. A positive consolidation of democratic reform is one that, while securing indisputable civilian supremacy, grants the military enough institutional autonomy for the efficient pursuit of its mission. Civilian supremacy should be institutionalized not only by preventing military intervention in civilian politics but also by ensuring civilian control over the formation and implementation of national defense policy.

In sum, despite three terms of civilian presidency, civilian supremacy has not yet fully institutionalized. Although significant changes in civil-military relations did occur after the democratic transition, they were not initiated by elected leaders with the intention of establishing a firm institutional footing for civilian supremacy. South Korea's political leaders have not crafted durable regulations and institutions that will sustain civilian control over the military.

More than six decades, Korea is still divided. The most highly militarized zone in the world lies along the demilitarized zone. How to draw the line prudently between seeking national security and promoting democracy shall be the most delicate task facing all the civilian regimes to come in South Korea. That mission will remain challenging not only for civilian politicians but also for military leaders.

The Hanbo (meaning Korean treasure) scandal or “Hanbogate” occurred on January 23, 1997, with the bankruptcy of Hanbo Iron and Steel Company, the second largest steel company and 14th largest conglomerate in South Korea, as its debt had accumulated to US$5.6 billion. Hanbo's bankruptcy triggered an investigation by the Public Prosecutor's Office that resulted in the imprisonment for 15 years of Hanbo's founder, Chung Tae-Soo, for bribing politicians and bankers to pressure banks to extend hugh bank loans to Hanbo. Nine other persons were also convicted including Chung's son, who was jailed for three years for bribery and embezzlement, and Kim Hyun-Chol, the second son of President Kim Young-Sam, who was sentenced to three years jail and fined US$1.5 million (New York Times, 1997).

The purpose of this paper is to examine regional voting patterns in South Korea using the results from six presidential elections since the 1990s.

A χ² test was used to determine the municipalities where a regional voting pattern emerged, and λ correlation coefficients were calculated to examine changes in the regional voting patterns.

The analyses lead to three key findings. First, voting patterns differ in Yeongnam and Honam: regional voting in Yeongnam is getting weaker, it remains strong in Honam. Second, the tendency to vote along regional lines decreased significantly in the election in which the Honam party fielded a candidate with a Yeongnam appeared identity. Third, regional voting patterns declined but then stabilized at a constant level, regardless of the candidates’ local identity, which was confirmed in “Bu-Ul-Gyeong.”

This paper can empirically verify the manifestation of regional voting pattern and confirm the trend. It is possible to derive a condition for suppressing the regional voting pattern.

While the origin of Korean Industrial Relations goes back 150 years when the country opened its seaports to foreign countries, it didn’t emerge as a field of study until 1950s when academics began to write books and papers on the Korean labor movement, labor laws, and labor economics. In this paper, we sketch this history and describe important events and people that contributed to the development of industrial relations in Korea. Korean industrial relations in the early 20th century were significantly distorted by the 35-year-Japanese colonial rule (1910–1945). After regaining its independence, the U.S. backed, growth-oriented, military-based, authoritarian Korean government followed suit and consistently suppressed organized labor until 1987. Finally, the 1987 Great Labor Offensive allowed the labor movement to flourish in a democratized society. Three groups were especially influential in the field of industrial relations in the early 1960s: labor activists, religious leaders, and university faculty. Since then, numerous scholars have published books and papers on Korean industrial relations, whose perspectives, goals, and processes are still being debated and argued. The Korean Industrial Relations Association (KIRA) was formed on March 25, 1990 and many other academic and practitioner associations have also come into being since then. The future of industrial relations as a field of study in Korea does not seem bright, however. Issues regarding organized labor are losing attention because of a steadily shrinking unionization rate, changing societal attitude toward labor unions, and the enactment of new and improved laws and regulations regarding employment relationships more broadly. Thus, we suggest that emerging issues such as contingent workers, works councils and tripartite partnership, conflict management, and human rights will be addressed by the field of industrial relations in Korea only if this field breaks with its traditional focus on union and union–management relations.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the nature of the China–North Korea alliance that has been often described as “Lips and Teeth” or “Blood Tied.”

In order to make accurate assessment of the China–North Korea relations, this paper conducts indepth historical analysis of the relations. The relations between two countries were formed in 1940s and lasts until today.

However, by looking into the history of two countries, this paper argues that the bilateral relations are not an extraordinary but an ordinary state-to-state relations dictated by national interests. Changes in their calculus of national interests affect their relations. They cooperate with each other when they see mutual benefit in doing so and tension arises when there is a conflict of interests. What should be noted is that the changes in the nature of relations is different from the deterioration in the relations. Recent improvement of their relations supports this paper’s argument.

This paper suggests new look at the China–North Korea relations that has been considered as an extraordinary relations. The findings of this paper suggest that the alliance relation is not different from other state-to-state relations where conflict and cooperation occurs based on their national interests.

This paper examines how the macroeconomic environment affects the determinants of prepayment of mortgage loans from October 2004 to February 2020. For more accurate analysis, the authors define the timing of prepayment not only before the loan maturity but also at the time when 50% or more of the loan principal is repaid. The results show that, during the global financial crisis as well as the recent period of low interest rates, macroeconomic variables such as interest rate spreads and housing prices have a different effect compared to the normal situation. Also, significant explanatory variables, such as debt to income (DTI) ratio, loan amount ratio and poor credit score, have different effects depending on the macroenvironment. On the other hand, in all periods, the possibility of prepayment increases as comprehensive loan to value (CLTV) increases, and the younger the age, the shorter the loan maturity. The results suggest that, in the case of ultralong (40 years) mortgage loans recently introduced to support young people purchasing houses, the prepayment risk can be, at least partially, migrated by offsetting the increase in prepayment by young people and the decrease in prepayment due to long loan maturity. In addition, this study confirms that the accelerated time failure model compared to the logit model and COX proportional risk model has the potential to be more appropriate as a prepayment model for individual borrower analysis in terms of the explanatory power.

The main purpose of this study was to analyze career adaptability among older workers by using a multidimensional model that considered perceived organizational support (POS), career satisfaction (CS) and motivation to continue working in South Korea.

Four hypotheses were developed based on a review of the literature, and the hypotheses were tested by a t-test, linear regression tests and hierarchical moderated regressions.

The major findings are as follows: First, older workers showed a higher level of career adaptability (CA) than young workers. Second, POS was positively related to CA. Third, CA was also related to CS. Lastly, motivation to continue working played a moderating role in the relationship between CA and CS.

The significance of this study lies in its enrichment of knowledge related to CA with older workers. In addition, the result of this study underscores the importance of CA and older workers in these very insecure working circumstances such as the COVID-19 pandemic.

This study aimed to explore the association of childhood experience of being forced to eat – where a particular person forced a child to eat a specific food item against one's will – on food consumption, especially vegetables later in young adulthood.

An online questionnaire survey was conducted from 19 to 24 February 2020 with 1,277 young Korean adults in their 20s. A total of 1,226 eligible responses were obtained, wherein 410 (33.4%) responses with forced-eating experiences in childhood were collected. To answer the survey questionnaire, the respondents were asked to recall one of the most memorable forced-eating episodes.

The results showed that forced-eating occurred mostly among lower grades or pre-schoolers, at home or in schools/childcare facilities, and by parents or homeroom teachers. Vegetables were the most common target food for forced-eating. The Forced-Eating-Experienced group with vegetables as the target food tended to have significantly lower preference for and acceptance of vegetables. Furthermore, among this group, those who had displayed unpleasant post-ingestion physical symptoms after forced-eating or refused to eat the target vegetables at all despite forced-eating, showed significantly lower acceptance of vegetables. Additionally, they were also less likely to eat the target vegetable at present, but more likely to agree that their current dietary habits were affected by their childhood experiences of forced-eating.

The study attempted to fill the knowledge gap on the association of negative childhood experiences of forced-eating with food consumption, especially vegetables, later in young adulthood.