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China’s swift economic rise, as symbolized by the first Chinese Olympics and by surpassing Japan to become the world’s second largest economy despite the recent global financial meltdown, has been accompanied by a transformation of Chinese foreign policy behavior. After spending the last decade emphasizing China’s “peaceful rise” or “peaceful development,” Beijing has begun to expound its policy preferences and territorial claims more forthrightly, even assertively. The purpose of this chapter will be to consider the origins, consequences, and likely future of the new Chinese foreign policy in the wake of the leadership transition at the 18th Party Congress in 2012 and the 12th National People’s Congress in 2013.

The growing power of China's economy with its ‘One Belt One Road’ initiative for building a new globalised world is generally believed to have an impact on global economic development and sustainability.

The current Chairman and President of the People's Republic of China Mr. Jinping Xi proposed the ‘One Belt One Road’ initiative in 2013 during his official visit to Kazakhstan and Indonesia. This was a Chinese initiative to create the Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) and the Maritime Silk Road (MSR) to promote a new model for international cooperation and development. In recent years, more and more countries from Asia, the Middle East, Europe and Africa have agreed to join the initiative and have established their regional plans for economic development and sustainability.

This chapter provides a critical review of China's ‘One Belt and One Road’ initiative for creating higher growth and economic development through infrastructure connectivity, increased trade and investment. It discusses the challenges of the ‘One Belt One Road’ initiative and reports on the risks associated with the development of this regional cooperation. It summarises arguments for a common approach to infrastructure development and regional cooperation by supranational institutions.

It concludes that the growing positive support for China's ‘One Belt One Road’ initiative and its development as one of the largest infrastructure and investment projects in history would bring significant benefits to the global economy.

The purpose of this paper is to understand the role Confucianism has in affecting domestic and foreign policy which is accomplished by looking at historical trends and contemporary developments and arguments posed by leading scholars. This paper finds that Confucianism has had a significant impact on current Chinese policy; however, it has been a selective application. In particular, the Chinese Government has focused on the traditional Confucian moral framework and the mandate to rule, which has allowed the Chinese Government to work toward further securing their right to rule and enhance a more assertive foreign policy abroad.

This study based on historical, theoretical and empirical discussions.

It is clear that Confucianism has had profound influence on Chinese politics and foreign policy. As rulers in the past of Chinese history, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has also utilized Confucianism to enhance nationalist sentiments among the people. Confucianism, therefore, has been served as the codifying ideology to further secure the CCP’s right to rule domestically, and to enhance a more assertive foreign policy abroad. With confidence, one can argue that Confucianism will continue to serve as a leading source of ideas in China for its effort to pursue modernization.

This paper focuses on the impact of Confucianism on Chinese politics and foreign policy. In the field of international relations and foreign policy analysis, it is well known that ideas are always critical to any changes of a country’s foreign policy. That is to say, a country’s politics and foreign policy would be heavily influenced not only by the changes of tide in contemporary world politics, but also heavily influenced by its traditional thinking and heritage. In this paper, the author will examine the influence of Confucianism on Chinese domestic politics and foreign policy. The analysis will cover recent arguments about the role of Confucianism from several leading contemporary thinkers. It will also make some brief comparisons between China and other East Asian societies, including Japan and Korea.

Xi Jinping’s speech on the theme of “Continuously Exploring the New Zeitgeist of Marxist Political Economy in China,” dated back to November 2015, has illuminated the historical background, social roots, practical basis, basic characteristics, Zeitgeist, ideological realm and other issues relative to the development of “Systematic Economic Theory” with Chinese characteristics (hereinafter referred to as SETCC). The paper aims to discuss these issues.

Exploring the SETCC marks a fundamental postulation for the development of contemporary Chinese Marxist political economy, and an important indicator of the Chinese wisdom thereof.

Unswervingly adhering to the new development concept as the leading factor, General Secretary Xi Jinping’s elucidation of the theoretical propositions and practical topics of building a modern economic system has, starting from the five aspects of development mainline, strategic support, fundamental approach, necessary road and institutional guarantee, and their interrelationships, unfolded new connotations and opened up a new realm of Xi’s New Economic Zeitgeist with new explorations on the structure and system of SETCC.

This paper first explains the development of Xi Jinping’s economic thoughts and reveals its systematization characteristics.

This paper aims to enhance the understanding of the role of Chinese outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) policies for cross-border merger and acquisition (M&A) by distinguishing between coercive and noncoercive OFDI policies.

The dependent variable is the count of completed M&A transactions, measured monthly. Due to the nature of the study’s data, the author performs a zero-inflated negative binomial (ZINB) regression.

Separating between coercive and noncoercive policies, the author finds that the latter type shows a stronger supportive effect on the count of M&A deals. Considering firm ownership, the study’s results reveal that announcements of coercive policies have a weaker effect on cross-border M&A for state-owned enterprises (SOEs) than that for private-owned enterprises (POEs). For local SOEs (LSOEs) and central SOEs (CSOEs), this difference becomes even larger with noncoercive policy announcements. The influence on M&A of both policy types gets partially replaced with increasing internationalization experience.

Combining institutional theory with policy change theory, the author argues that international business (IB) research on policy change needs to consider the integration of theoretical policy-level approaches to catch the effects of policy change on firm internationalization appropriately. The findings of the study support this argument by highlighting that the policy effect differs by policy type.