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The importance to the personnel profession of the management of working women is discussed with reference to the position of women at work in Britain today, how gender inequalities arose, and how the position needs to change through this decade. The issue of child care is addressed, and women’s stress, coping and health reviewed. Women’s economic value as producers and consumers is cast in a European‐wide framework. An analysis of the effects of their historic position on Britain’s working women today is made with particular reference to the powerful influence of Victorian domestic ideology. A personnel management policy that accommodates women’s needs and capacity for exercising choice is advocated, as a potential mutual benefit to the woman and her employer.

The purpose of this paper is to understand the significance that companies give to women-friendly policies and practices. Thus, the disclosures on women-friendly policies made in annual reports by top listed companies in India have been examined. This paper also attempts to investigate the disclosure-level changes over a three-year period: 2014–2016.

This paper investigates the extent of women-friendly policies disclosure made by top 83 Bombay Stock Exchange listed companies in India in their annual report. The content analysis method is used to examine the annual reports of each organisation over a period of three years to determine the extent of disclosure.

The result points out that the sexual harassment policy is the most disclosed item, followed by a special committee for handling sexual harassment and maternity leave. Most of the companies have ignored policies such as job sharing, cafeteria benefit plan and differential referral payment programme. It was also found that over a period of three years the women-friendly policies disclosure by companies has increased.

The study focuses on the annual reports published by the companies. A broader study can be done by using other reports issued by companies.

In terms of the knowledge of the researchers, this is the first-ever study in the area of women-friendly policies disclosure in the annual report by listed companies in India. Thus, it also adds to the scarce research on women-friendly policies by companies.

The purpose of this paper is to use a competency‐based model to explore empirically the factors that influence the suitability of different flexible work arrangements (FWAs) in organizations and investigate whether these FWAs match the preferences of unemployed women, whom the authors conceptualize as competitive resources.

Given the novelty of this model in FWA‐research, the authors conducted an in‐depth exploratory case study in a southern European country, Cyprus. Data were collected from both unemployed women and managers in organizations, using group interviews and questionnaires.

Overall, it was found that the FWAs that managers perceive as suitable for their organizations differ from those preferred by unemployed women. Nonetheless, specific organizational competencies affect positively the suitability of women‐friendly FWAs for organizations.

The results raise implications for policy makers and managers who want to enhance female employability and organizational competitiveness, respectively. The paper provides a blueprint for testing the concept of unemployed women viewed as strategic resources and emphasises the need to take measures to improve the perceived suitability of women‐friendly FWAs for organizations. Nonetheless, this study was limited to the Cypriot context, to private sector organizations, and to managerial intentions. Future research may build on this study to address these limitations.

This paper employs a competency‐based model to conceptualize unemployed women, who are neglected in extant research, as organizational resources. Further, it uses two different research samples to address its purposes and argues that FWAs differ in their ability to satisfy organizational and individual needs.

The aim of the article is to discuss the challenges from immigration to Nordic (gender) politics, theories and research. The research question is to what extent Nordic welfare and gender equality politics is based on exclusive solidarity biased towards the native majorities. A key issue is how Nordic gender theory and research has addressed multiple inequalities. The article briefly revisits the academic debates about gender equality, diversity and multiculturalism, which arguably represent two different paradigms: multicultural approaches have addressed the accommodation of minorities with diversity as the key concept, while feminist approaches have focused on gender (in)equality with gender as the key concept.

The intersectional approach suggests that increased migration and mobility present similar challenges for the two bodies of thought to address complex and multiple inequalities within and beyond the nation state. The main part explores “the multicultural dilemma” in greater detail focusing on the intersections between gender and etho‐national minorities in Denmark, Norway and Sweden.

Perceptions of diversity and gender equality/women's rights are contextual and dynamic as intersecting diversities and inequalities are embedded in national histories, institutions and policies. Scholars have demonstrated that the discourse about women's rights and gender equality has become an intrinsic part of Nordic identities and belongings. The article suggests that the new forms of inequalities among women can be interpreted as a Nordic gender equality paradox between the relative inclusion of the native majority women and the relative marginalization of women from diverse ethnic minorities in society.

The intersectionality approach to gender and ethnicity in Scandinavia is in this article combined with a transnational approach to gender, diversity and migration.

Contrasting two countries with different gender regimes and welfare states, Sweden and Tanzania, this paper aims to analyse how the institutional context affects the ways in which a neo-liberal reform agenda is translated into institutional changes and propose how such changes impact the preconditions for women’s entrepreneurship.

This study uses document analysis and previous studies to describe and analyse the institutions and the institutional changes. This paper uses Scandinavian institutional theory as the interpretative framework.

This study proposes that: in well-developed welfare states with a high level of gender equality, consequences of neo-liberal agenda for the preconditions for women entrepreneurs are more likely to be negative than positive. In less developed states with a low level of gender equality, the gendered consequences of neo-liberal reforms may be mixed and the preconditions for women’s entrepreneurship more positive than negative. How neo-liberalism impacts preconditions for women entrepreneurs depend on the institutional framework in terms of a trustworthy women-friendly state and level of gender equality.

The study calls for bringing the effects on the gender of the neo-liberal primacy of market solutions out of the black box. Studying how women entrepreneurs perceive these effects necessitates qualitative ethnographic data.

This paper demonstrates why any discussion of the impact of political or economic reforms on women’s entrepreneurship must take a country’s specific institutional context into account. Further, previous studies on neo-liberalism have rarely taken an interest in Africa.

Proposes the concept of women‐friendliness, as a measure of organizations′ receptivity to women, and explores the roles of the human resources function in achieving it. Different human resources management strategies are linked to the role, prestige and attitudes of the HR function, to the attitude of the organization′s CEO towards women′s issues, and to the institutionalization of the HRM strategy. Proposes an agenda for research.

Gender analysis of the narratives of low-income divorcées in big cities of Ankara, Istanbul and Izmir shows that their lives are under patriarchal domination. Women are subjected to all kinds of violence in their marriage and escape it by getting a divorce. Their lives are vulnerable as the increasing numbers of lone mothers are neither morally nor socially accepted in Turkish society. The patriarchal family ideal exacerbates the situation of lone mothers who become stigmatized as divorcées. Divorce is considered a ‘shame’ for women, and the ideology of family is used as a political tool where persistent conservative bias ignores wife battering, rape and other types of abuse in society.

The paper aims to examine whether the South African government and its corporate organizations have been successful in employing women as professional equals by utilizing them fully in senior and top management positions after equal opportunity and affirmative action legislation was introduced by the democratic government.

A descriptive and theoretical paper, and thus secondary data from previous studies are used as comparative analysis for discussions and examinations.

Reaching top level positions is still uncommon for South Africa's women, as its corporate environment is not yet ready to accept women as professional equals, resulting in government legislation and policies working against women's growth and advancement instead of working in their favour. Suggestions are made for future studies to investigate what makes women worldwide flourish in government and public sector jobs, but fail in private and corporate sectors.

Recommends implications for South Africa's corporate organizations to become more women‐sensitive and friendly by empowering women as a group regardless of their race and colour for government policy and legislation to be successful. This area is unexplored, thus making it a new topic.

This paper may be of value to those professional women who are oblivious to barriers affecting their advancement and to corporate organizations puzzled by the imperceptible upward mobility of women in top management positions despite the implementation of equal opportunity and affirmative action legislation.