Search results

Purpose – This study aims to explore the composition of women parliament members in provincial parliament in Aceh Province.

Design/Methodology/Approach – The study which applied qualitative approach. The data were collected through interviews, observations and documentation study.

Finding – The findings show that the DewanPerwakilan Rakyat Aceh (DPRA) (provincial parliament) women representative are not in line with the order of election Regulation No. 12 the year 2003 which state should be an “affirmative action” or reaches about 30% of total members. In addition, ironically that women are not playing important and strategic roles, such as a chairman, deputy chairman, in each commission, discussion division, budgeting division, and regulation division. The biggest challenge of women parliament members in campaigning their rights and responsibilities at the parliament so that they would be improved in quality and capacity, as well communication and personal knowledge. Furthermore, building stronger linkages internally and externally (political parties, fraction, and all other parliament members), and (stakeholders, peer groups, NGOs, academics, expert etc).

Practical Implications – The solutions offered in this paper can be of concern to all parliamentarians to be able to provide equal opportunities for women legislative members in a strategic position in parliament.

Originality/Value – In addition to increasing the theoretical understanding of the political communication and the importance of the presence of the women in the local parliament.

Societal barriers continue to cause gender disparities in women’s share of political authority. As a representative case study for the Arab Gulf region, this paper aims to investigate public opinion on adopting a nationwide quota for women’s participation in top government offices in the Qatar context. It gathers insights on the following question: How does public opinion respond to a proposed new political arrangement of implementing gender quota laws in Qatar?

Data were collected via a national telephone survey of a representative sample of 660 Qatari nationals chosen by simple random sampling. A regression analysis was performed for the primary outcome: support for a gender quota system that guarantees a specific proportion of places for women in the government and executive positions.

Unsurprisingly, the findings reveal gender variations in support for the three distinct types of egalitarian policy examined (i.e. a quota for women in top government positions; a quota for women in executive positions in public ministries; and equal wages), with women being more supportive than men.

Assessing the public attitudes toward adopting legislative gender quotas is of interest to policy-makers and civil organizations alike that seek to advance women’s political status and democratic representation.

This study is among the very few to empirically examine public opinion on quotas as state-directed initiatives to promote the involvement of women in political power in Qatar.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the role of women in the Georgia General Assembly and determines the impact of gender on the activities of state legislators, specifically in the areas of committee assignments and sponsored legislation from 2003 to 2014.

The approach set forth in this analysis seeks to answer four research questions employing quantitative data regarding female legislator involvement in activities of the state legislature and compare these findings with their male colleagues over a ten-year period.

Some of the key findings include that female representative sponsor fewer bills and participate in fewer committees than their male counterparts. The only legislative area female representatives exercise greater involvement is in government committees. The paper concludes with policy recommendations on how to address the current standing of women in the Georgia General Assembly.

A value of this analysis is that its content can support comparative work that can prove helpful to future research goals. As the most comprehensive analysis of its kind in Georgia, this paper contributes to a better understanding of the state legislature.

We examine the influences of African-American and female legislators on the supportiveness of states toward elders. Previous research shows complementary supportiveness among women and minority legislators on education policy and a range of social policies affecting families. Women legislators extend this support to various dimensions of “state age friendliness.” We examine here whether African-American legislators extend their support similarly. We draw on a cross-sectional data set for the 50 American states around the year 2000 in conjunction with regression. We find that, controlling for the most prominent alternative factors generally shaping state orientations and policies, women legislators are selectively supportive of dimensions of state elderly friendliness, but African-American legislators do not share this support. We attribute the discrepancy in the support of this area of social policy to women and minority legislators having specific divergent priorities with regard to elders as well as to how these priorities are conditioned by women and black legislators being concentrated in different states having distinctive cultures.

The vast majority of political scandals reported in the news center around male politicians. Yet, when women are involved, the nature of the scandals and coverage are sometimes different. Whereas powerful men are rarely, if ever, accused of “sleeping their way to the top,” powerful women frequently are. What happens when women politicians are involved in a scandal that blurs the lines between corruption – i.e., abuse of public authority for private gain – and a simple moral transgression? We designed an original survey experiment to assess participants’ responses to a Congresswoman having an extramarital affair with someone who has the power to advance her career. We find that participants are less likely to suggest they will punish Congresswomen at the polls for involvement in a simple “morality” scandal than for the scandal that blurred the line between a sex and corruption scandal. Moreover, we observe that political conservatives are more likely than liberals to punish the hypothetical Congresswoman, indicating that some voters' negative reactions to women politicians are motivated by concerns about sexual morality, and not necessarily by a perceived abuse of power for professional gain.

It is well established in political theory that democracy promotes inclusive citizenship most especially politically – the right to vote and be voted for. This thesis is predicated upon the assumption that democracy is basically a representative government where all identities and interests are accommodated and/or tolerated in the politics and policy processes of their society. This chapter challenges the foundation of this assumption, using the Nigerian legislature's experience under the Fourth Republic (1999–2007), where the democratization process has failed to bring about substantial increase not only in women's numerical representation in parliament, but also in their ability to improve their participation in the politics and policy processes particularly those that advance women's cause. The central argument of the chapter is that for democracy to engender active representation of women in the politics and policy process of their environment will be largely dependent on women's numerical strength and their mode of ascension to power – their politics or affirmative action. Wherever the latter prevails, only passive, not active representation, will be prompted, as has so far been the case in Nigeria and most other African countries. This equates democratization of disempowerment for women.

Prior to the passage of the 20th amendment to the US Constitution in 1920, several states had extended the suffrage to women. Helen Laura Sumner (later Woodbury), a student of John R. Commons at Wisconsin, undertook a statistical study of the political, economic, and social impacts of the granting of voting rights to women in the state of Colorado, and subsequently defended the results against numerous attacks. In this paper, we present a brief account of the struggle for women’s equality in the extension of the suffrage and examine Sumner’s critical analysis of the evidence as to its effects, as well as the counterarguments to which she responded.

The objective of this chapter is to outline an integrating picture of the situation, representativeness, contradictions, and challenges that the treatment of diversity assumes in Brazilian society and in its organizations. The aim is to reply to the research question: “How are public policies and organizational practices constructing ways of inserting and valuing the diversity of Brazilians?” We provide a brief background of the changes in the global and Brazilian contexts over the last few decades and analyze the demographic data presented in the 2010 Census and in studies on diversity that were published in the main periodicals in the Administration area in Brazil, between 2000 and 2014 with regard to the segments most widely studied in the academic literature: Afro-descendants, homosexuals, the elderly, Indians, women, and people with a disability. The conclusion reached is that, in a short period of time, Brazil has made great strides in constructing the mechanisms and legal devices for recognizing the rights of its diverse population and that private companies are in the initial stages of introducing diversity programs.

Today’s political arena calls for strong leadership. As technology facilitates information sharing, constituents are becoming more vocal in governmental affairs. Legislators are now expected to be transformational leaders who envision the future needs of constituents and are capable of negotiating, mediating, and championing these causes in an effective and credible manner. Using transformational leadership theory, this article examines the perceived leadership styles among state‐level legislators in the United States as well as the relationship between leadership style and perceptions of extra effort, effectiveness, and satisfaction. Leaders in this study described their style as transformational and perceived high extra effort from their followers. Yet, compared to women, male politicians had more positive perceptions of effectiveness and satisfaction with their leadership style. This substantiates research that women in male‐dominated careers report less self‐confidence. Future research might verify this study’s contradictory findings that female politicians, with transformational styles, are not satisfied with their leadership.

This study aims to identify the features and characteristics of feminist elites as well as their circulation rate in official political positions. The study questions include the role of a profession, educational level, and class of origin in the recruitment of feminist elites. It stems from the hypothesis that a direct correlation exists between the mechanism of recruiting feminist elites and their characteristics, according to the criterion of class differentiation based on social status and financial wealth. The study used a complex combination of scientific methodologies, including the elite approach, which is especially important as a result of its ability to convert arguments into measurable variables, and a comparative approach was used to compare the features and characteristics of feminist elites in two reigns. From the study, it was observed that feminist elites are characterized by caste and wealth, higher educational degree, and in addition obtaining degrees from Western universities, prevailed. This result demonstrates the higher value of Western universities. The study also found that the circulation rate of political feminist elites dramatically increased in the reign of King Abdullah compared with the appointed feminist elites in the reign of King Hussein.