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Corporate social responsibility has gradually become an essential enterprise responsibility under stakeholders’ expectations. Employee care strategies involve both qualitative and quantitative factors and are receiving special attention with the advent of the information age. In previous studies, a company’s policy of employee care may not fit with the needs of the employees. Consequently, the purpose of this paper is to investigate enterprises’ employee care from the employee’s perspective by adopting a hybrid multiple attribute decision making (MADM) model.

This study is based on 159 interviews with senior employees and/or department managers using a survey questionnaire. This study uses the MADM model to conduct the analysis. First, this research study used Decision-Making Trial and Evaluation Laboratory (DEMATEL) to construct an influential network relations map of the 4 dimensions and 13 criteria of employee care. Second, this study uses DEMATEL-based Analytic Network Process to conduct a weight analysis for each dimension and criterion. Third, this study uses VIKOR to calculate employees’ level of satisfaction as well as the gap from the “aspired level.”

The results of the study revealed the critical factors influencing employee care and proposed a systematic plan to be used as a reference for improvement. The improvement sequence revealed the following order: Equal employment opportunities→Good industrial relations and benefits→Responsibility to train and educate employees→Occupational health and safety. The empirical results showed there was still 35 percent room for improvement in the enterprises’ implementation policy of employee care.

The implementation of employee care has become an important issue for corporations since it helps to sustain and to increase an enterprise’s competitiveness in the business environment. However, the extant literature on employee care comes from enterprises’ perspectives instead of from employees’ perspectives. This research investigates the key factors of employee care and successfully shows MADM to be an effective model for the planning and implementation of corporate social responsibilities’ employee care from the perspective of employees.

One of the most significant lessons of the development effort in the last decade is the discovery that social progress and rising levels of employment do not automatically emerge from economic progress. While growth in gross national product, increases in exports and investments and rising industrial output have occurred they have little meaning for the millions who continue to live at or near starvation in the developing countries of Latin America.

By “political economy” I mean both the method of thought and the body of knowledge which refer to human economising behaviour. The body of knowledge includes both theory — theorems, laws, empirical generalisations, etc., and “facts” — history, description of institution, statistical data, etc. By “Christian theology” I mean both the method of thought and the body of knowledge which refer to the human religious understanding of Jesus of Nazareth. “Religious” here implies awareness of, or belief in, God. The body of knowledge may include pre‐Christian religion (such as that reported in the Old Testament), and the results of independent inquiry (such as natural theology) in so far as these are interpreted by, or “refracted” through what theologians call the “Christ event”.

This chapter advocates the use of neuroscience theoretical insights and methodological tools to advance existing organizational justice theory, research, and practice. To illustrate the value of neuroscience, two general topics are reviewed. In regard to individual justice, neuroscience makes it clear that organizational justice theory and research needs to integrate both emotion and cognition. Neuroscience also suggests promising avenues for practical individual justice interventions. For other-focused justice, neuroscience clarifies how empathy provides a mechanism for deontic justice while again highlighting the need to consider both emotion and cognition. Neuroscience research into group characterizations also suggests promising explanations for deontic justice failures. We also show how other-focused justice interventions are possible, but more complex, than for self-focused justice. We conclude that interdisciplinary research has great potential to advance both organizational justice and neuroscience research.

This chapter overviews organizational neuroscience (ON), covering the past, present, and future of this growing field of inquiry. First, we define ON and clarify the boundaries of the field. Second, we describe the evolution of ON by starting with early papers that tended to discuss the potential of ON to benefit both research and practice. Throughout its development, debates have abounded about the value of ON. Such debates are often related to challenges in collecting, integrating, interpreting, and using information from the brain-level of analysis. It is time for the field to move beyond these debates to focus on applying neuroscience to further theory development and reveal more comprehensive answers to research questions of importance to both academics and practitioners. Third, we propose and describe future research directions for ON. The research directions that we propose are merely a sample of the many paths along which ON inquiry can move forward. Fourth, we outline potential practical implications of ON, including: training and development, job design, high-performance assessment, motivating communications, and conflict prevention. Finally, we draw conclusions about ON as it stands today, address challenges in developing ON, and point out opportunities. We conclude with takeaways and highlight the importance of ON for both academics and practitioners.

In this paper, I demonstrate an alternative explanation to the development of the American electricity industry. I propose a social embeddedness approach (Granovetter, 1985, 1992) to interpret why the American electricity industry appears the way it does today, and start by addressing the following questions: Why is the generating dynamo located in well‐connected central stations rather than in isolated stations? Why does not every manufacturing firm, hospital, school, or even household operate its own generating equipment? Why do we use incandescent lamps rather than arc lamps or gas lamps for lighting? At the end of the nineteenth century, the first era of the electricity industry, all these technical as well as organizational forms were indeed possible alternatives. The centralized systems we see today comprise integrated, urban, central station firms which produce and sell electricity to users within a monopolized territory. Yet there were visions of a more decentralized electricity industry. For instance, a geographically decentralized system might have dispersed small systems based around an isolated or neighborhood generating dynamo; or a functionally decentralized system which included firms solely generating and transmitting the power, and selling the power to locally‐owned distribution firms (McGuire, Granovetter, and Schwartz, forthcoming). Similarly, the incandescent lamp was not the only illuminating device available at that time. The arc lamp was more suitable for large‐space lighting than incandescent lamps; and the second‐generation gas lamp ‐ Welsbach mantle lamp ‐ was much cheaper than the incandescent electric light and nearly as good in quality (Passer, 1953:196–197).

The East India Company was a hybrid corporation. This hybridity refers to the merchant-state function of the Company, designed as a joint-stock corporate established to trade and make profit, whilst simultaneously exercising public state governance over India. As the Company strived for profits, this was inherently detrimental to ruling a state of people. Its increasing public role alienated both Indians and the British government as it faced increasing criticism. Eventually British state intervention increased until the Company operated as an agent for British imperialism, and its corporate status continued to decline until the Company was replaced by British rule. Ultimately, the legacy of the East India Company represents the incompatibility of private actors taking on state responsibility.

This paper presents a two‐dimensional model of service process that is linked to customer encounter satisfaction and is modified by a customer’s perceptual filters, including brand image and customer mood. The first dimension is comprised of fixed (structural) descriptors, while the second dimension consists of variable (situational) descriptors. The proposed model delineates eight descriptors in each dimension. Their origin in the services marketing literature is explained. The model suggests that service process and a customer’s perceptual filters both have a direct influence on encounter satisfaction. The utility and limitations of the proposed model are discussed.

This chapter argues that the process of imagination is molded by the intersecting notions of space, time, and measurements. It shows that economic spaces are shaped by notions of particular space-time held by historical actors and by imaginations of their past and future fictional spaces. The case study of colonial period South Asia examines how financial accounting and other measurements were co-opted to give form to future “fictional” expectations. South Asian economic spaces are shown to be the locus for control and dominance of future economic relationships, which were visualized in particular ways by the colonial rulers.

A conclusion reached is that economic spaces are not just enclosed spaces within borders where economic activity occurs shaped by the dominant culture and economy of a state. The economic spaces in colonial India were sites of economic conflict and violence, where contesting notions of economic time collided, and where widely contrasting economic futures were imagined. Indian nationalists looked into the past to spur their imagination of a different future for India. In fact, the conflict or violence that was part of the recasting of India’s national economic space was not entirely between racial groups (European colonists and native Indians) or strictly between economic classes (bourgeoisie upper castes and proletariat lower castes). Contrary expectations amongst the nationalists themselves are apparent. The process of imagination reveals the ensemble of cultural, social, and technical practices that actors used to give form to fictional expectations of the future and the spatialisation of economic spaces.