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The current study examined the effects of gender and motivation on negotiation strategy and outcome. It was hypothesized that findings suggesting that women obtain lower joint outcomes from integrative bargaining than men may result from women, but not men, entering negotiation settings with a high level of concern for the other's outcomes. Drawing on the dual concern model of Pruitt and his colleagues, it was predicted that situationally induced high self‐concern would result in high joint outcomes for female dyads—ay high as those for male dyads under any conditions. Male dyads were expected to require situationally‐induced self‐ and other‐concern to reach optimal joint outcomes. Where there was no situationally induced concern for either self or other, male dyads were expected to obtain higher joint outcomes than female dyads. Results from dyads bargaining in a laboratory setting were generally supportive of predictions, except that men tended to do well but for where other‐concern alone had been situationally induced. Discrepant findings are discussed in terms of the generally low level of antagonism present in these dyads.

Information exchange is a significant factor in the achievement of integrative agreements in negotiation. However, it is not clear what factors govern information exchange. While tutoring negotiators in information exchange has clearly been shown to be effective, the experiment reported here was concerned with less directive interventions. Negotiators were either (a) alerted to the possibility that the other party's issue priorities were not the same as their own—and hence the problem not fixed pie in nature—(Priority condition); or (b) made aware of the need to look at problems from another's perspective (Perspective condition). Interest was in how these interventions would effect negotiators' spontaneous exchange of potential outcome information, their understanding of the integrative nature of the problem, and their joint outcome from their negotiated agreement, as compared with a control condition. In addition, the role of negotiator firmness in the achievement of integrative agreements was examined. It was found that Priority negotiators engaged in more information exchange, tended to be more accurate in their understanding of the nature of the bargaining problem, and achieved higher joint profits in their agreements than did control negotiators. Pairs whose summed perspective‐taking ability was higher made agreements with higher joint profits than those with lower perspective‐taking ability. Negotiator firmness was higher for the Priority condition than for the control condition. It was concluded that (a) spontaneous exchange of outcome information does occur when negotiators are cued to doubt the fixed pie hypothesis about possible outcomes of negotiation; (b) this exchange is associated with higher joint profits, i.e., with more integrative bargaining; but (c) firmness as well as information exchange appears to play an important role in integrative bargaining; in addition, (d) perspective‐taking does seem to encourage integrative bargaining, but it is difficult to induce, and how it operates is unclear.

This paper aims to (a) summarize the legal and ethical foundations of privacy with connections to workplace emails and text messages, (b) describe trends and challenges related to “Bring Your Own Device” (BYOD), and (c) propose legal and nonlegal questions these trends will raise in the foreseeable future.

Based on a review of legal cases and scholarship related to workplace privacy, implications for BYOD practices are proposed.

Primarily due to property rights, employers in the USA have heretofore been granted wide latitude in monitoring employee communications. The BYOD trend has the potential to challenge this status quo.

BYOD programs present discernable threats to employee privacy. Attention is also directed toward contributing elements such as wearable technology, cloud computing and company cultures.

Justice research has established that voice enhances procedural justice—a phenomenon known as the ‘voice effect’—through both instrumental and non‐instrumental mechanisms. However, limited research attention has been devoted to the underlying motivational bases for the operation of one or the other explanatory mechanism in a given situation. We report the findings of two laboratory studies examining situational, motivational, and attributional underpinnings for the voice effect. We found that motivation to voice varied with characteristics of the authority to whom a grievance is directed. In both studies, an interaction revealed that non‐instrumental motivation for voice is more important when instrumental motivation is lacking or unavailable. In Study 2, we introduce the role of social attributions into research on the voice effect, finding that grievants' judgments about their objectives in using voice vary with the attributions they make about the motives behind the authority's actions. We discuss implications of our findings for both theory and practice.

First impressions last forever! Often this initial meeting sets the impression buyers will have about the salesperson and his or her company. For this reason, the introduction cannot be taken lightly. The introduction consists of these steps, the first three of which are presented in part I: assess the environment and prospect personality type; introduce the salesperson to include name, company name, reason and anticipated length of time for the call; establish first‐name terms. State the rules: business philosophy and payment terms. Request permission to ask questions. Reposition the salesperson ‐ remove physical barriers. To understand what constitutes a successful introduction, we also need to know what the goals or objectives of the introduction stage are and how they can be achieved. A successful introduction should enhance a fair and level “playing field” between the buyer and the seller.

A collection of essays by a social economist seeking to balance economics as a science of means with the values deemed necessary to man′s finding the good life and society enduring as a civilized instrumentality. Looks for authority to great men of the past and to today′s moral philosopher: man is an ethical animal. The 13 essays are: 1. Evolutionary Economics: The End of It All? which challenges the view that Darwinism destroyed belief in a universe of purpose and design; 2. Schmoller′s Political Economy: Its Psychic, Moral and Legal Foundations, which centres on the belief that time‐honoured ethical values prevail in an economy formed by ties of common sentiment, ideas, customs and laws; 3. Adam Smith by Gustav von Schmoller – Schmoller rejects Smith′s natural law and sees him as simply spreading the message of Calvinism; 4. Pierre‐Joseph Proudhon, Socialist – Karl Marx, Communist: A Comparison; 5. Marxism and the Instauration of Man, which raises the question for Marx: is the flowering of the new man in Communist society the ultimate end to the dialectical movement of history?; 6. Ethical Progress and Economic Growth in Western Civilization; 7. Ethical Principles in American Society: An Appraisal; 8. The Ugent Need for a Consensus on Moral Values, which focuses on the real dangers inherent in there being no consensus on moral values; 9. Human Resources and the Good Society – man is not to be treated as an economic resource; man′s moral and material wellbeing is the goal; 10. The Social Economist on the Modern Dilemma: Ethical Dwarfs and Nuclear Giants, which argues that it is imperative to distinguish good from evil and to act accordingly: existentialism, situation ethics and evolutionary ethics savour of nihilism; 11. Ethical Principles: The Economist′s Quandary, which is the difficulty of balancing the claims of disinterested science and of the urge to better the human condition; 12. The Role of Government in the Advancement of Cultural Values, which discusses censorship and the funding of art against the background of the US Helms Amendment; 13. Man at the Crossroads draws earlier themes together; the author makes the case for rejecting determinism and the “operant conditioning” of the Skinner school in favour of the moral progress of autonomous man through adherence to traditional ethical values.

I suggest that the search for Adam Smith’s theodicy is likely to be in vain. The paper begins with a brief history of approaches to evil, emphasizing the context in which they arose, and the questions authors were addressing. Approaches most relevant to Adam Smith include those of Augustine and Calvin, and the early modern theodicies of Leibniz, Samuel Clarke and William King, as well as the attacks on them by Bayle and Voltaire. Scottish Enlightenment writers were not terribly interested in theodicy, though Hutcheson and Kames did devote space to their versions of problems of evil. David Hume’s Dialogues on Natural Religion are often taken to be classic statement of the problem of theodicy and argument against religious belief, but his concern was to demolish rationalistic theodicies rather than religious belief or practice. The paper then turns to Smith’s writings, considering similarities and differences to these approaches to evil. Smith emphasizes the wisdom and beneficence of God, and that evils we observe are part of a larger providential plan. He makes no attempt to justify the God in the face of evil, and in this respect Smith shares more with Augustine and Calvin than he does with the early modern theodicists. Smith’s approach to evil is simple and ameliorative. Smith’s approach contrasts with early nineteenth century English political economists, from Malthus onwards, for whom theodicy was important. Whatever view we take of the theodicists project of justifying an all-powerful and good God in the face of evil may, we still struggle to make sense of economic suffering and evil.

From 1782 to 1834, the English social legislation shifted from a safety net devised to deal with emergencies to a social security system implemented to cope with the threat of unemployment and poverty. In the attempt to explain this shift, this chapter concentrates on the changed attitudes toward poverty and power relationships in eighteenth-century British society. Especially, it looks at the role played by eighteenth-century British economic thinkers in elaborating arguments in favor of reducing the most evident asymmetries of power characterizing the period of transition from Mercantilism to the Classical era. To what extent did economic thinkers contribute to creating an environment within which a social legislation aimed at improving the living conditions of the poor as the one established in 1795 could be not only envisaged but also implemented? In doing so, this chapter deals with an aspect often undervalued and/or overlooked by historians of economic thought: namely, the relationship between economic theory and social legislation. If the latter is the institutional framework by which both individual and collective well-being can be achieved the former cannot but assume a fundamental role as a useful abstraction which sheds light on the multifaceted reality in which social policies are proposed, forged, and eventually implemented.