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The purpose of this research is to investigate the relationship between leadership and the party’s image and voters’ satisfaction and voters’ loyalty in the regional election of the North Konawe District, Indonesia.

The study design is quantitative methods (Creswell, 2010). It is an explanatory research, investigating the relationship between variables (Kothari, 2004). The study population was the voters who participated in the 2015 regional head election of North Konawe. The population in this study was 37,429 people spread over 12 districts and 135 villages, and the sample size of this study was 276 respondents, based on sample size formulation in (Bungin, 2008). The method used to analyze the data in this study is generalized structured component analysis (GSCA), which investigate comprehensively the inner model (hypothesis testing for the structural model) and the outer model (measurement model for unobservable variables). The Sobel test (under the GSCA model) was used to test whether a particular variable mediates the relationship between endogenous variables and exogenous variables.

The party’s image influences voters’ satisfaction. The party’s image will not directly influence voters’ loyalty, but it will influence voters’ loyalty with the mediating effect of voters’ satisfaction.

The findings of this study that makes the social security program as one of the themes in the competition reinforces previous studies such as in the Philippines, Thailand, Mexico and Brazil (2012). Various jargons are often thrown around to gain votes and support from the poor. For example, the term “populist economy”, where free public health and education services are often declared in various political campaigns, both in the legislative member and regional head elections.

The results of this research, i.e. the influence of the party’s image for electoral interests, would reinforce the results of previous studies. Sometimes the politicians use the poverty program, which is apparently neutral, but actually for the sake of political interests (Gallego, 2015). The results of this study show that the manipulation of government programs is often done to help the politicians in mobilizing the voters. However, in practices, the voters? satisfaction and loyalty are interpreted differently. The voters do not always sell their votes because of what they receive; it could be that the voters receive the assistance by considering it as a fortune or wage in return for helping the politicians. It was proved by the results of this study that the incumbent lost the election.

Using the party’s image in a political contest has created serious implications in the development of democracy in Indonesia. Indonesia, which has chosen democracy as a political route, is still highly vulnerable to clientelistic practices. Although procedurally Indonesia has paved the main democratic consolidation after the reform, ranging from the legislative election to the presidential election to the regional head election, the practice of money politics is still occurring widely. The problem of vote-buying is more difficult to solve because law enforcement mechanisms are not conducted properly. For example, only three days were given to prove the allegation of vote-buying. Of course, this short time makes it difficult to prove the practice of money politics at lower levels.

The originality of this research can be seen from the following explanation: based on the results of data processing, there are interesting things observed, with the party’s image as the exogenous variable, voters’ satisfaction as the intervening endogenous variable and voters’ loyalty as the pure endogenous variable. This means that more and more community empowerment will increase the desirability of a candidate. This is unique in itself, where with this result, it can be concluded that North Konawe communities are more affected by the nature of the aid empowerment, durable and sustainable/long-term rather than momentary relief (cash).

This paper aims to explain voter perceptions and voting behaviour in the 2010 UK General Election on the basis of this theory, by evaluating the differential impact of government performance on key political issues defined as hierarchical voter satisfaction factor types. The validity of the three-factor theory of satisfaction in explaining consumer decision-making for products and services is well-established.

British Election Survey (2010) data are used to test the relative influence of hierarchical voter satisfaction factor types in predicting the perceived overall performance of the former Labour government and actual voting behaviour. Sequential and multinomial logistic regression models are used in the perceived overall performance of the former Labour government and actual voting behaviour, respectively.

“Basic” factors explain more of the variance in perceived overall government performance and voting behaviour than “performance” factors. There are significant positive main and interaction effects on Conservative and Liberal Democrat party votes from Labour’s underperformance on the “basic” factors. The results have important implications for political marketing and voting behaviour research.

The study establishes the relevance of the three-factor theory of satisfaction within a political marketing context. It demonstrates that, controlling for party loyalty, perceived government performance on the hierarchical voter satisfaction factors explains voter perceptions and voting behaviour to a significant degree. In particular, it highlights the criticality for voting behaviour of both the direct and indirect impacts of “basic” factor underperformance.

Although the concept of political party brand personality has received substantial recognition in the political marketing literature, however, no study as yet has contributed in identifying a causal relationship between the party brand personality and voter behaviour. Therefore, this paper aims to address this gap in the academic literature by determining the relationship between the multifaceted advertising-brand personality-satisfaction-loyalty constructs in political context.

The sample for the study consisting of 930 responses was drawn from the major cities of Punjab state in India through multistage stratified random sampling. AMOS-based structural equation modelling was used to test the proposed model.

Results revealed that voters’ attitude towards political advertisements had a significant effect on their satisfaction and loyalty when brand personality had a mediating role in this effect. Additionally, the influence of party brand personality on satisfaction and loyalty of voters was different for the selected four political parties.

The study carries strong implications for the political parties and the political marketers to develop pertinent marketing and communication strategies that are consistent with their personality traits, with an endeavour to enhance the satisfaction and loyalty of voters.

The most imperative discovery of this study is to determine the mediating role of party brand personality on relationship between political advertisements, voter satisfaction and party loyalty. Such a study of an emerging economy contributes significantly to the marketing theory and practice owing to the diversity and fragmentation across India with respect to religion, caste, creed and race of voters.

The purpose of this study is to determine the impact of voters’ personal and societal values on presidential candidate brand personality preference. In addition, the research examines which brand personalities are deemed most and least important. This research meets the growing demand to further understand how voters develop preferences for brandidates.

Voters ranked which presidential brand personalities they deemed most important in a candidate as well as which of the two major candidates they most associated with that trait. Data were collected weeks in advance of the 2020 presidential election from a national online panel representing a balanced mix of voters by party affiliation.

The results indicate that life satisfaction, political orientation and postmaterialism are significant and provide adequate explanatory power in understanding which brand personality traits are associated with a presidential candidate. Also, using an importance-performance matrix, the authors find which candidate is most identified with various brand personality traits and how important those traits are to voters.

Using the importance-performance matrix for assessing brand/candidate personality preference by consumers/voters provides researchers with a multidimensional method for analyzing how various dimensions influence selection preference. The explanatory power of the independent variables, i.e. political orientation, comparative life satisfaction and societal values, is very low when regressed against personality attributes in general (not assigned to a candidate); however, they provide meaningful results when regressed against personality attributes when assigned to candidates. Understanding the importance of general brand personality attributes is not as important as understanding their importance when associated with a specific brand.

The importance-performance matrix for brand/candidate personality presented in this research clearly indicated and predicted voter preference for the 2020 Presidential election; thus, this tool can be effectively used by political marketers in future elections. Political orientation so strongly influences voter perception of specific candidate brand personality dimensions that they view their preferred candidate to be universally superior to other candidates. Political marketers can appeal to voters based on their political orientation to strengthen the relationship between candidates and voters.

This research investigates how personal and societal values impact voters’ preference for brand personality traits in a presidential candidate. Voter preference for presidential brand personality traits is assessed generically, i.e. not associated with a particular candidate, as well as when they are linked to a specific candidate, i.e. Biden and Trump.

Refers to the argument that examining political and electoral processes from a marketing perspective offers new insights into the behaviour of political parties. However, research into the marketing activities of political parties is still growing at this stage, and very few papers address the marketing orientation of political parties, while none address the marketing concept. Presents the findings of an exploratory research project carried out in Queensland. The results indicate that key political marketing decision makers within the party examined often have a limited understanding of the marketing concept. The researcher’s redefinition of the marketing concept into political terms received a high level of acceptance from certain groups of respondents within the study. Shows that the marketing concept with its customer centred orientation created a major concern from the perspective of the state executive decision‐making category interviewed in this study. This was so primarily because this key decision‐making category indicated the role and significance of the voter (customer) in developing the political product is negligible.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the determinants that influence students’ decision-making and satisfaction in campus e-voting, and to investigate the moderating effect on students’ decision-making and satisfaction in campus e-voting between students with different levels of trust in the system.

This study employed a quantitative method and applied the use of self-administered questionnaires among university students who have at least experienced once in casting votes electronically in the past year during the campus e-voting period. The data were analysed using partial least square-structural equation modelling (PLS-SEM) approach.

The PLS-SEM approach revealed that voters’ commitment to vote was the strongest determinant of students’ decision-making and satisfaction in campus e-voting. Voters’ high satisfaction with campus e-voting was based on the commitment and requirement of students of the university to vote. Compulsory voting was not a hassle for them in order to achieve campus development and sustainability. A moderation analysis revealed that the relative influence of commitment to vote on students’ satisfaction in campus e-voting was higher in the group with medium level of trust than among the group with high level of trust.

The election commission of the university and the university management should increase students’ turnout and commitment to vote during campus e-voting by outlining effective marketing strategies, campaigns and promotions across a number of digital platforms, including mobile SNS. They need to ensure that voters can sense their involvement is warranted and will continue to vote electronically in the next campus election.

The research yielded an exclusive perspective into students’ decision-making and satisfaction in campus e-voting. It also uncovered the influence of moderating effect of trust in the system in developing countries which is marginally concealed in the literature. The measurements produced can be used as a research tool for more exploratory and explanatory research related to political marketing among young adult voters.

There are many factors that determine consumers’ satisfaction. Specifically, the current study examines how political-economic views affect the perception of public services. This study also aims to extend the relationship between public service satisfaction and political-economic opinion from an empirical perspective.

The analysis process is carried out with the Microdataset of the Life Satisfaction Survey. Independent sample t-test which compares individual public service satisfaction ratings and ordinal probit regression models assesses the impacts of political-economic attitude on public service satisfaction.

According to the findings, household size and gender impact public service satisfaction. Again, service satisfaction diminishes as the education level rises. Moreover, a person’s political-economic view affects their public service satisfaction. The study has the potential to literature in terms of determining society’s political-economic view on public services with these empirical results.

The study’s use of the state as a point of reference and quantitative and qualitative evaluation of the service exchange between the citizen and the state is a significant difference in the literature. Also, unlike the other studies, this one used microdata to test the relationship between the political-economic type and the level of satisfaction with public services at different levels. It is thought that future studies on the determinants of public service satisfaction, to be carried out in different country samples, will contribute to the field.

This study has implications on whether the perception of public service varies according to partisanship status.

This study has implications on whether the perception of public service varies according to partisanship status.

This study determines the interaction between the political-economic typology derived from microdata and the satisfaction level variables related to public services offered at different levels. It also evaluates how public service satisfaction differs regarding personality traits and political-economic attitudes.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the feasibility and usefulness of adapting the concept of “customer value” from commercial marketing for use in the field of political marketing.

A literature review of the field of customer value, and the application of a prominent “means‐end hierarchy” model of customer value to the political context.

From the application of the customer value approach to the political context, it is concluded that an analogous concept of “voter value” can be delineated and is the basis for a promising approach to the development of political marketing strategy.

Several important testable hypotheses emerge from the article concerning the application of “voter value” as a segmentation tool in the field of political marketing.

“Voter value” emerges as a potentially useful tool in political marketing strategy, in particular with respect to shaping political communications messages, and segmenting voter populations.

It is widely acknowledged that “customer value” is an important concept in commercial marketing. This article addresses the important questions of whether and how the concept can be transferred to a different area of marketing.

The purpose of this study was to demonstrate how the segmentation of voters based on decision‐making processes, using means‐end laddering research innovations and real‐time interactive online interviewing, can aid in the formation of political communications strategy, including theme and message development.

To demonstrate the application of these innovations in a political context, the paper uses data from a sample of 114 voters who were interviewed during the 2004 US presidential election campaign. The paper draws on three recent innovations to the means‐end laddering methodology: elicitation questioning techniques that allow for a decision equity analysis between targeted groups; decision segmentation analysis; and real‐time interactive online interviewing; and applies them to an electoral context. It provides an interpretation of the identified decision segments and an exposition of how these common networks of meaning can serve as the basis for targeted theme and message development.

These three innovations, in concert, were found to provide an efficient set of methods to serve as the foundation for the campaign message development process.

This paper provides deterministic research techniques for campaign strategists who want to understand voter decision making and demonstrates a combination of methodological and technological innovations that addresses the time, cost, and geographic limitations often associated with conducting voter decision making research.

The purpose of this paper is to relate manifest market orientation to the achievement of electoral objectives.

The paper presents an analysis of advertising content against a framework of criteria drawn from key marketing concepts using examples from recent New Zealand general elections.

There is a relationship between parties demonstrating a strong voter orientation in their political advertisements and achievement of electoral success. By viewing advertising as a symptom of parties' broader market orientation, the political marketing factors that differentiate the “winner/s” from the others in an election campaign may be uncovered.

The framework has only been applied to New Zealand Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) election campaigns. To make a more concrete connection between demonstration of market orientation and electoral success the framework needs to be tested in more than one electoral system, in more than one country.

The paper reveals a useful way to relate political advertising content to electoral outcome.

This framework has not been used before in the political advertising or political marketing fields. It strengthens the utility of political marketing explanations in relation to voter‐ and media‐generated explanations of election outcomes.