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The learning outcomes are as follows: analyze the risks and difficulties involved in the internationalization process and the impact of cultural variables (external analysis); understand how the balance between adaptation and standardization can be worked out in building a successful international marketing strategy (adaptation vs standardization dilemma); and analyze how a restructuring of marketing mix variables can shape an assertive and effective repositioning strategy (marketing-mix program).

The case of Vichy presents a specific internationalization process, from a European brand in a growing segment, to Brazil, a country with extreme cultural diversity where the barriers to internationalization are large and complex. The case can be analyzed from the point of view of brand repositioning, as it discusses the strategies adopted by the brand during entry into the Brazilian market, and its subsequent repositioning, bearing in mind a better adaptation to the market in question. The goal is to encourage discussions about how cultural barriers can influence the internationalization process of a brand and how the balance between adaptation and standardization can be worked out in building an assertive and effective international marketing strategy.

Master students.

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CSS 8: Marketing.

The chapter analyzes François Perroux’s institutional and intellectual activities under the Vichy regime (1940–1944) mainly by drawing on archival insights from Perroux’s papers. The authors argue that Perroux used his strategic position as general secretary of the Carrel Foundation (created by Marshal Pétain) to reshape French economics along a twofold trend: unifying economics with other social sciences, on the one hand; and developing its most analytical aspects, on the other hand. Thus, Perroux seized the opportunity to push for the introduction and dissemination of foreign theoretical studies within French economics, quite counter-intuitively to the expected nationalistic fallback accompanying authoritarian rule. In the end, the Vichy regime proved a suitable vehicle for the advancement of Perroux’s ideas and career: he managed in fact to make the best of a highly uncertain situation in 1940 and especially in 1944, with the impending Liberation of France. The authors show that Perroux used different strategies to neutralize those aspects of his work associated to Vichy’s ideology.

The trajectory of François Perroux across the Vichy regime poses about all possible range of methodological issues to the historian of ideas: individual versus collective biography, ideational versus ideological reading, internal versus external analysis, etc. The chapter outlines key elements about Perroux’s trajectory showing the entanglements and boundaries of science and politics in the transition from democratic to authoritarian rule and vice versa. A particular emphasis on uncertainties and adjustments shows, against the tendency to a teleological explanation induced by a linear interpretation of his career, that different paths were considered by Perroux, but that his choices were nevertheless constrained by the forces of both the scientific and political fields.

This essay examines how two Marxist anti-colonial intellectuals from Portuguese India and French India – Aquino de Bragança and V Subbiah – differentially theorized movements for independence from colonial rule. Through the analysis of primary source documents in French, Portuguese, Italian and English, I compare V Subbiah's Dalit, anti-fascist anti-colonial Marxism to Aquino de Bragança's internationalist anti-colonial Marxism. Both theorists' approaches have similarities in (1) theorizing the relationship between fascism and colonialism given that the Portuguese Empire was administered by Salazar's Estado Novo and the French Empire was under Vichy rule, (2) rethinking Marxism to better fit the Global South context and (3) intellectual and political connections to Algeria were critically important for theory and praxis. Despite the distinct geographic and social spaces in which they lived and worked, both produced remarkably similar theories of anti-imperialism.

This chapter aims to address the question of the evolution of economists’s reception of Marxism in France, and thus to complete the more general history of the development of Marxism among French academics. To do so, we follow the relationship to Marx’s work of the economist François Perroux, a priori typical of the reversal reception of Marxist ideas in the 1950s, moving from open hostility to enthusiasm. Indeed, an incisive critic of Marx’s writings before the war, then head of the scientific institution of the Vichy regime, Perroux became in the postwar period a leading figure in the diffusion of Marx’s ideas in France. He founded the ISMEA (Institute of Mathematical and Applied Economic Sciences) which published the journal Études de marxologie, and eventually penned the preface to Marx’s economic works in 1963 for the Pléiade. By following this sinuous path, we show that the way Perroux related to Marx’s work helps us shed light on the various shifts in Perroux’s relationship to the science and politics of his time.

Rassemblement des congressistes. — Un bureau d'accueil du Congrès se tiendra en permanence, de 18 h. à 22 h., au Comité de tourisme de Paris — 7, rue Balzac — Paris (8e) — tél. BAL. 90–05. — Il est recommandé aux congressistes de bien vouloir prévenir ce bureau d'accueil de leur arrivée; ils pourront y obtenir les dernières précisions se rapportant à l'organisation du Congrès. — D'autre part, des bureaux d'accueil du Comité de tourisme de Paris fonctionnent à l'arrivée des gares du Nord, de l'Est, de Lyon, Saint‐Lazare, et pourront donner tous renseignements utiles sur le Congrès.

This symposium analyses the mutually constitutive relationship between economic knowledge and political order. Through a wide range of case studies from Europe, Africa, and Latin America, the essays collected shed new light on the choices and constraints faced by economists under authoritarian rule in the twentieth century. The contribution of the symposium is twofold. Firstly, it expands the geographical and chronological scope of the conversation on the politics of economics. Secondly, it encourages a more nuanced understanding of economists’ agency in their different guises as educators, party propagandists, policy-makers, model-builders, and dissidents.

Imported bottled waters have been commercially available in the UK since 1861 and long before that the famous spa towns like Bath, Harrogate and Leamington Spa were fashionable places to visit in order to recuperate, usually from food and drink excesses which were common among the wealthy people in those days. In spite of the unpleasant taste of many of these heavily mineralised waters, they were 'taken' in liberal quantities, probably in the belief that anything which tasted so horrid was bound to be good for one.

Shortly before the Second World War, a woman who had never accepted her orphan status, Gabrielle Bonheur Chanel, nicknamed ‘Little Coco’ by her father and known as ‘Coco’ to her relatives, became the first women in history to build a world-class industrial empire. By 1935, Coco, a fashion designer and industry captain, was employing more than 4,000 workers and had sold more than 28,000 dresses, tailored jackets and women's suits. Born into a poor family and raised in an orphanage, she enjoyed an intense social life in Paris in the 1920s, rubbing shoulders with artists, creators and the rising stars of her time.

Thanks to her entrepreneurial skills, she was able to innovate in her methods and in her trendsetting approach to fashion design and promotion. Coco Chanel was committed and creative, had the soul of an entrepreneur and went on to become a world leader in a brand new sector combining fashion, accessories and perfumes that she would help shape. By the end of her life, she had redefined French elegance and revolutionized the way people dressed.