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The purpose of this paper is to bring together the history of war, the universities and the professions. It examines the case of dentistry in New South Wales, detailing its divided pre-war politics, the role of the university, the formation and work of the Dental Corps during the First World War, and the process of professionalization in the 1920s.

The paper draws on documentary and archival sources including those of the University of Sydney, contemporary newspapers, annual reports and publication of various dental associations, and on secondary sources.

The paper argues that both the war and the university were central to the professionalization of dentistry in New South Wales. The war transformed the expertise of dentists, shifted their social status and cemented their relationship with the university.

This study is the first to examine dentistry in the context of the histories of war, universities and professionalization. It highlights the need to re-evaluate the changing place of the professions in interwar Australia in the light both of the First World War and of the university’s involvement in it.

The purpose of this paper is to examine how Australian universities commemorated the First World War, with a focus on the University of Melbourne as an institution with a particularly rich history of wartime participation and of diverse forms of memorialisation.

A case study approach is taken, with an overview of the range of war memorials at the University of Melbourne. These include memorials which acknowledged the wartime role of individuals or groups associated with the University, and took the form of architectural features, and named scholarships or academic positions. Three cross-campus war memorials are examined in depth.

This paper demonstrates that there was a range of war memorials at Australian universities, indicating the range of views about the First World War, and its legacies, within university communities of students, graduates and staff.

University war commemoration in Australia has not been well documented. This study examines the way in which the particular character of the community at the University of Melbourne was to influence the forms of First World War commemoration.

The purpose of this paper is to: introduce the topic of the relationship between universities and the First World War historiographically; put university expertise and knowledge at the centre of studies of the First World War; and explain how an examination of university expertise and war reveals a continuity of intellectual and scientific activity from war to peace.

Placing the papers in the special issue of HER on universities and war in the context of a broader historiography of the First World War and its aftermath.

The interconnections between university expertise and the First World War is a neglected field, yet its examination enriches the current historiography and prompts us to see the war not simply in terms of guns and battles but also how the battlefield extended university expertise with long-lasting implications into the 1920s and 1930s.

The paper explores how universities and their expertise – e.g. medical, artistic, philosophical – were mobilised in the First World War and the following peace.

The tensions of the Cold War focussed attention on the role that universities might play through their science and technology expertise and research. At the same time the United States needed to secure its allies as the threat of a new European war, and the actuality of the Korean War, developed in the late 1940s and 1950s. These pressures contributed to the Carnegie Corporation’s assessment that the time was ripe to send a ‘key man’ to Australia and New Zealand.

The purpose of this paper is to restore the history of internationalism to our understanding of the legacy of the First World War, and the role of universities in that past. It begins by emphasising the war’s twin legacy, namely, the twin principles of the peace: national self-determination and the League of Nations.

It focuses on the intersecting significance and meaning attributed to the related terms patriotism and humanity, nationalism and internationalism, during the war and after. A key focus is the memorialization of Edith Cavell, and the role of men and women in supporting a League of Nations.

The author finds that contrary to conventional historical opinion, internationalism was as significant as nationalism during the war and after, thanks to the influence and ideas of men and women connected through university networks.

The author’s argument is based on an examination of British imperial sources in particular.

The implications of this argument are that historians need to recover the international past in histories of nationalism.

This article examines the impact of the 1919 influenza pandemic on the life and culture of Australian universities, and the curious absence of sustained discussion about the crisis in university magazines. It considers two contexts, from the perspective of the general university population, and from the particular focus of medical students.

The primary source for this analysis is based on detailed reading of university magazines across three universities, as well as other primary and secondary literature. The article was written during the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic, which has limited access to some other magazines held in library collections, but the corpus of material is more than sufficient.

This article shows that the pandemic further deferred the resumption of university life after a hiatus during the First World War. The failure to identify the causal agent limited technical discussion in medical school magazines.

This is one of the first dedicated studies of the effect of the 1919 influenza pandemic on Australian universities. It joins a growing body of work considering the effect of the influenza on different community groups.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the diverse rendering of the idea of nation and the role of universities in nation-building in the 1950s Murray and Hughes Parry Reports in Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand. This paper provides trans-Tasman comparisons that reflect the different national and international interests, positioning of science and the humanities and desired academic and student subject positions and power relations.

This paper adopts a Foucauldian genealogical approach that is informed by Wodak’s (2011) historical discourse analysis in order to analyse the reports’ discursive constructions of the national role of universities, the positioning of science and humanities and the development of desired academics and student subjectivities and power relations.

The analysis reveals the different positioning of Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand in relation to the Empire and the Cold War. It also demonstrates how Australian national interests were represented in these reports as largely economic and defence related, while Aotearoa/New Zealand national interests were about economic, social and cultural nation-building. These differences were also matched by diverse weightings attached to university science and the humanities education. There is also a hailing of traditional, enlightenment-inspired discourses about desired academic and student subjectivities and power relations in Australia that contrasts with the emergence of early traces of more contemporary discourses about equity and diversity in universities in Aotearoa/New Zealand.

The paper demonstrates the value of transnational analysis in contributing to historiography about university education. The Foucauldian discourse analysis approach extends existing Australian historiography about universities during this period and represents a key contribution to Aotearoa/New Zealand historiography that has explored academic and student subjectivities to a lesser extent.

This study asks how American institutions of higher education defended the principles of academic freedom (or intellectual autonomy) during the 1950s, even as they became increasingly dependent on the federal government's financial support, their eligibility for which required an oath of political loyalty under the terms of the National Defense Education Act of 1958. Universities whose students or professors resisted the oath faced a dilemma of institutional governance as well as intellectual integrity during the early years of the Cold War.

The study draws on documentary and archival sources, including the Congressional Record, the AAUP Bulletin, student pamphlets, newspapers and other publications of the US federal government, and on secondary sources.

The author finds that the US federal government began to invest heavily in higher education during the 1950s, but financial support was often accompanied by political oversight. Higher education institutions and their professors struggled to reconcile a sense of responsibility for national service with a desire for academic freedom. The findings show how the federal government treated institutions of higher education and dealt with the issue of academic freedom during the Cold War.

This study draws on a large pool of primary sources and previous research to offer new insights into an enduring ideological tension between academic freedom, public service and financial patronage.

Tourism development has been perceived as a promoter of city restoration and can also affect the post-war city reconstruction. Questions on how to reconstruct ruined buildings and urban areas through a post-war tourism-oriented approach based on the expectations of residents and tourists profound answers. The purpose of this paper is to adopt the sequential mixed method (qualitative and quantitative) with purposive sampling which is a non-probability method to investigate tourism-oriented approaches in the reconstruction of buildings and landmarks as the core components of urban tourism.

The study adopted the sequential mixed method (qualitative and quantitative) to investigate tourism-oriented approaches in the reconstruction of buildings and landmarks as the core components of urban tourism.

The findings of the study point that the preferred strategy for the reconstruction of damaged symbolic building is the preservation of the war effects in regard maintaining the buildings’ history to be considered by urban policy makers, urban designers, and authorities.

The constraint was associated with the time-consuming nature of this type of research. Original documents of the research context and all the interview data were in the Persian language, making the translating process a time-consuming matter. Furthermore, data collection in the area located near the Iran-Iraq border (500 meters) presented a number of security caveats as limitations.

The research found a majority of tourists and the residents preferred tourism zone where the combination of post-war and natural attraction across riverside area. In other word, most considerable post-war attractions are those that combined with the appeal of the other tourism potentials like eco-leisure tourism. The preferred strategy for the reconstruction of damaged building reconstruction as post-war tourism attractions is the preservation of the war effects in regard maintaining the buildings history rather than reconstruction as the most likely to pre-war conditions with less attention paid to the war effects.

Coined by Giorgio Agamben, the ‘State of Exception’ refers to the paradoxical predicament of exceptional measures. By virtue of their application, such proposals authorise an ‘extra-legal’ executive capacity that, despite probable affront to constitutional integrity, are nevertheless acknowledged as essential in political crises. Profound threats to national security – such as 9/11 – thus stipulate the authoritative exertion of extraconstitutional competency-manifested in the unique conditions of President Bush’s declaration of double state emergency. Although discourse on military privatisation is abundant, the logic of post-9/11 preventative intervention, and the classified alliance with private actors, remains overlooked despite provoking complex questions regarding valid democratic governance. By eroding the boundary of traditionally state-circumscribed functions, outsourced intelligence is argued as the most discerning debasement of emergency power; calling for a revised understanding of exceptionalism and catalysing axiomatic displacement of principled policy-making by promoting a national security immigration market.