Search results

This paper aims to investigate the obstacles to the sharing of information, as envisaged in the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC), and therefore, its accessibility to developing countries. The findings of this paper could help States to limit corruption in interstate interactions and civil society groups calling for measures that can help assess potential corruption.

This research is based on qualitative analysis – usual normative analysis was undertaken in law and economics. For this purpose, an analysis of the literature on cooperation generated by the UNCAC and State practice within defence deals was undertaken.

It is found that States where defence manufacturers reside can prevent information sharing and thereby hinder investigations against corruption. It is found that defence importing States can overcome the limitations of the UNCAC, to enforce information sharing, by including guarantees into their contracts.

As research on information sharing practices of States are scarce or non-existent, this paper contributes to the literature on this aspect of cooperation envisaged in the UNCAC. Further, this paper elaborates on what States could do to limit non-cooperation in the sharing of information.

Money laundering and grand business corruption continue to plague the global economy, accounting for 2%-5% of the global gross domestic product. Illicit funds, produced through grand corruption, are laundered using complex layering schemes that cloak them in legitimacy by concealing their origins. Lamentably, weak anti-money laundering (AML) frameworks promote economic instability, unjust commercial advantages and organized crimes. This study aims to highlight the need for comprehensive anti-corruption and AML frameworks by critiquing the exploitable gaps in the global AML regime created by heterogeneous state-level AML regimes to date.

This study welcomes the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) and the financial action task force (FATF) recommendations but underscores the limitations of their effectiveness by investigating state-level enforcement mechanisms to determine these instruments’ true impact or lack thereof. The mutual evaluation reports (MERs) and state-level AML regimes in the UK, the USA and Canada are analyzed to illustrate the distinct implementation of international soft law in domestic legislation.

This study finds that UNCAC and the FATF recommendations are pivotal steps towards the establishment of a global AML regime for international business, albeit, one that remains imperfect because of the inconsistency of state-level AML frameworks. Consequently, international cooperation is needed to navigate and improve the discrepancies in varied AML legislation.

The author provides an in-depth and balanced analysis of current state-level AML developments and relies upon the recent 2016-2018 MERs to indicate the successes and flaws of various AML legislation. Therefore, this critique may guide stakeholders to construct robust AML frameworks and contributes to academic research in AML.

The purpose of this paper is to provide an empirical comparative analysis on cross-border suspect wealth issues and international efforts to curb corruption-related suspect wealth. Through the lens of the United Nations Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC) and the Stolen Asset Recovery Initiative (StAR) Initiative, this paper illustrates the strength and limitations of current anti-corruption frames and as a result, sheds lights on the dilemmas of tackling suspect wealth on the ground.

This paper begins with an overview of the magnitude of suspect wealth; then it compares the focuses of the UNCAC and the StAR Initiative. The author draws upon lessons from previous suspect wealth settlement cases to illustrate the limitations of applying the international frameworks. Finally, this paper takes China as case study to highlight lessons for future anti-corruption efforts.

According to the StAR Initiative, $20–$40bn worth of public assets are stolen via corruption each year, amounting to 20% to 40% of development assistance annually. But the most recent data estimate that the total assets repatriated from OECD countries were $423m from 2006 to 2012, which was only a small fraction of estimated stolen assets. This highlights that tackling suspect wealth not only has moral value but also provides practical benefits for countries seeking development finance.

The UNCAC has brought international cooperation and the importance of transparency to the forefront of tackling suspect wealth. It creates an international norm for recovering and repatriating stolen assets. But due to its loose implementation and enforcement, the UNCAC has left loopholes in anti-corruption policymaking, particularly in countries lacking the rule of law. By comparison, the StAR Initiative takes innovative approach such as using insolvency for asset recovery and country-based capacity building to strengthen originating countries’ ability to repatriate assets. Both the UNCAC and the StAR Initiative are well-intended, but authoritarian regimes and weak rule of law often create dilemma for international collaboration.

This paper provides recommendations on how to further tackle suspect wealth with existing international frameworks.

Reducing suspect wealth contributes to society equity and restores public trust by recovering much needed public assets and development resources.

This paper illustrates the effect of UNCAC and the StAR Initiative through a comparative lens. It demonstrates how rising authoritarianism can create dilemmas for work against corruption and suspect wealth. Finally, it provides potential policy prescriptions for navigating such dilemmas via shared international efforts.

This study aims to investigate the impact of the enforcement of the international anti-bribery legal framework in developing countries.

It uses the PetroTiger case to examine the effects of foreign bribery prosecutions in Colombia, from a bribe-receivers perspective. PetroTiger is a USA-based company that was prosecuted for bribing public officials in Colombia. As a result, the public officials involved were also prosecuted in Colombia for receiving bribes. This case serves to illustrate how international anti-bribery law operates in practice and how it impacts Colombian law enforcement institutions and their capacity to prosecute bribe-receivers. The Colombian response to the international anti-corruption framework is examined in this study through the review of legislative efforts taken to address the problems of bribery and corruption in public procurement.

This study finds that enforcement of foreign bribery laws raise awareness of the situation of corruption in developing countries, generate parallel prosecutions of individuals at the receiving end of bribes and helps developing countries to develop technical expertise to fight corruption.

In practice, due to the transnational nature of foreign bribery, without international agreements, this type of corruption in international business would seldom lead to prosecution. Although the effectiveness of the enforcement of international anti-corruption law is debated, in reality, prosecutions of foreign bribery by developed countries have more positive than negative implications for developing countries.

Assist to continue efforts to deter corruption.

No many studies have looked at the effectiveness of anti-corruption international law in developing countries. As indicated by Mr. Moulette Patrick head of Anti-Corruption Division at organisation for economic co-operation and development more research on the effectiveness of the UN enacted Convention against Corruption, which is what this paper does.

Recent developments in the EU’s anti-corruption strategy have brought the EU closer to meeting the UNCAC’s objectives, i.e. the Proposal for a Directive on combating corruption (2023) and the Proposal for a Directive on Asset Recovery and Confiscation (2022). This paper aims to discuss these developments from the perspective of the UNCAC, to identify missing elements in the EU’s asset recovery mechanisms.

Critical approach towards EU anti-corruption policy (discussing the problems and solutions). Review of EU developments in asset recovery law.

There is a political will on the part of the EU to fight corruption through the rules enshrined in the UNCAC. However, improving EU law by introducing a new type of confiscation of unexplained wealth and criminalising illicit enrichment, without establishing convergent rules for the return of corrupt assets from EU territory to the countries of origin, cannot be seen as sufficient action to achieve the UNCAC’s objectives. In modelling mechanisms of the return of assets, the EU should search for solutions to overcome the difficulties resulting from the ordre public clause remaining a significant factor conditioning mutual legal assistance.

This paper discusses the possible input of the EU, as a non-State Party to the UNCAC, to advance implementing the UNCAC solutions on asset recovery by establishing convergent rules for the return of corrupt assets from EU territory to countries of origin.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the implications of foreign bribery and perceptions that bribery is just a cost of doing business in Africa in light of recent reports and developments in the global attempt to curb bribery and corruption.

The research relied on primary data from anti-corruption legislation, surveys and monitoring reports and secondary data from publicly available information, journal articles and media reports to analyse recent developments in the fight against corruption with a special focus on Africa.

The research findings and analysis suggest that foreign bribery, which is illegal but largely carried out with impunity and perceived as a just a cost of doing business in Africa, has heavy costs on developing nations and on corporations and individuals that are prosecuted. Although much has been done to curb corruption, it seems active enforcement takes place in only a limited number of countries. There is still the need for enhanced enforcement by nations, increased societal awareness of effective measures against corruption and improved corporate compliance and responsibility.

The paper contributes practical insights into improvements and lapses in the fight against foreign bribery and corruption. Using recent and relevant analysis, the paper revisits the resilience of bribery and corruption in spite of increased anti-corruption actions and the need for multiple and varied measures. The information provided will be useful for governments, corporations and civil society in the fight against corruption, which requires constant multilateral action and examination.

The purpose of this paper is to determine whether anti‐money laundering measures are capable of providing a solution to the growing problem of public sector corruption in Iraq and, if so, the extent to which changes are required to the current Iraqi AML regime to enhance its effectiveness against such corruption.

This paper will initially explore the growing problem of public sector corruption in Iraq and the measures taken to address such corruption. Subsequently, the corruption‐money laundering relationship and the ability of AML measures based on prevailing international standards to serve as an anti‐corruption tool will be analysed. Finally, the current Iraqi AML regime will be examined to observe whether and to what extent changes are required to enhance its effectiveness against public sector corruption.

Considering the widely acknowledged nexus between corruption and money laundering, a robust AML regime can be effectively utilised by Iraq to combat endemic public sector corruption. This regime must involve a system where financial institutions at their own expense monitor transactions and file suspicious transaction reports with the Iraqi Money Laundering Reporting Office. This, in turn, must identify cases from those suspicious transaction reports that require further investigation by Iraqi anti‐corruption bodies and other law enforcement authorities, who should be empowered to investigate, freeze, seize and confiscate the suspected corrupt proceeds. Such a regime would provide a clear avenue for the obtaining of financial intelligence capable of exposing corruption, thereby addressing the fundamental issue presently encountered by Iraqi anti‐corruption bodies. Amendments are, however, needed to Iraqi anti‐money laundering laws to enhance their effectiveness in combating public sector corruption. Most importantly, financial institutions must be required to apply enhanced customer due diligence measures to domestic politically exposed persons.

This paper is a result of a remote analysis of material published in relation to the subject matter of the paper. Local and regional analysis (e.g. including interviews with the relevant agencies) would be required to confirm the practicality of the propositions made in the paper. Further, the draft version of the revised Iraqi anti‐money laundering law was not examined in an in depth manner due to the uncertainty in its status, including, in particular, whether it has been submitted to the Council of Representatives for approval.

Although the topics of corruption in Iraq, the Iraqi AML regime and the corruption‐money laundering relationship have been the subject of academic analysis, the related topics have not collectively been examined to determine whether, and to what extent, the Iraqi AML regime can address the rapidly growing problem of public sector corruption in Iraq. Accordingly, the findings in this paper will be of interest to Iraqi lawmakers, Iraqi law enforcement agencies, Iraqi financial institutions and investors in Iraq, particularly in the oil and gas industry.

The purpose of this paper is to offer anti‐corruption experts' personal assessments of the progress international organizations have made in fighting corruption.

This paper contains a survey of the viewpoints of a number of anti‐corruption experts who themselves are current or former staff of international organizations, or who – from their positions within the private sector or in non‐governmental organizations – are able to offer a unique and distanced perspective on the key corruption‐related issues and challenges facing international organizations today.

It is agreed that international organizations today are at a cross‐roads in their individual and collective fight against corruption. International organizations must weather the corruption scandals that have recently plagued several organizations, and must confront the question of whether their staffs, boards, and member governments indeed have the ability, will, and commitment to fight corruption. To address these challenges, international organizations must adopt proactive investigative strategies when combating corruption, seek greater cooperation with each other, and must ensure that their respective investigation units have the necessary resources and independence to effectively detect, investigate, and prevent corruption.

The paper offers a realistic prognosis on the future of the anti‐corruption movement within and among international organizations.

President Cyril Ramaphosa, in his 2018 State of the Nation Address, stated that “Thieves who are stealing public funds should be arrested and prosecuted”, and called for lifestyle audits of public-sector employees. The gross misuse of COVID-19 relief funds by public officials indicated the urgent need to execute these audits as an anti-corruption measure. This paper aims to provide a review of the existing state of affairs with regard to the application of lifestyle audits in South Africa.

This paper critically analyses the literature available on the current position of South Africa concerning lifestyle audits in the public sector, based on the mandates of some of the anti-corruption agencies that could be responsible for the conducting and processing of such audits.

South Africa has only recently seen a framework for applying lifestyle audits, developed by the Department of Public Service and Administration. Although these first steps in developing a standard practice are laudable, the practical process of dealing with misconduct and/or criminal matters remains to be seen. It is recommended that South Africa consider a legislative approach to dealing with unlawfully obtained wealth by either criminalising the act of illicit enrichment (per the United Nations Convention Against Corruption) or creating an Unexplained Wealth Order, as seen, for example, in the UK.

South Africa is in dire need of addressing corruption in the public sector. Despite lifestyle audits being called for, the lack of proper implementation is negating any positive outcomes. Therefore, alternative solutions should be investigated.

The aim of this study is to investigate how Nigeria can seek legal assistance on recovery of its stolen assets to reduce corruption and to ensure no sheltered havens for incomes from corruption.

The research adopts a conceptual method by using existing literature with the application of doctrinal legal research technique. The research likewise uses primary and secondary sources of legislations such as legislative provisions, case laws and the provisions of Chapter V of the United Nations Convention against Corruption and the process of asset recovery. The study compares the United Kingdom, USA, Hong Kong in China, South Africa and Nigeria proceeds of corruption recovery laws to gain basic legal features that would be beneficial to Nigeria in reforming its anti-corruption laws.

The principle of territorial sovereignty under the international law makes the offence of corruption not punishable outside the jurisdiction of the state where the offence was committed. As a result, some developed states boost their economy with these proceeds and the developing states are impoverished. There is also an allegation of discrepancies in the figures of funds recovered by the anti-corruption agencies. Thus, there is the need for transparency; law on civil forfeiture of proceeds of corruption; bilateral treaties; and mutual legal assistance on investigation, confiscation among countries for tracing and returning of proceeds of corruption.

The estimates of the volume of assets looted from Nigeria vary widely because of the complexity of collecting data on proceeds of corruption as official statistics on proceeds of corruption recovered do not exist as each anti-corruption agency occasionally makes pronouncements on the volume of assets recovered without any breakdown in terms of assets seized, nature of assets and their locations and its values. Such data would aid policymakers to measure the effectiveness of the present assets legislations and to enhance its effectiveness.

Considering the clandestine manners corruption is being committed, it is tasking to correctly evaluate the amount of money stolen so, their economic impacts on the nation’s economy.

Absence of accurate data would aid policymakers to measure the effectiveness of the present assets legislations and to enhance its effectiveness.

The study offers modules on management of proceeds of corruption by establishing “Assets Management Commission” and “Proceeds of Corruption Forfeiture Funds” for reparation of victims’ of corruption. The study suggests the necessity for civil forfeiture of proceeds of corruption, which is presently lacking, and creation of Proceeds of Corruption Recovery and Management Commission to manage such proceeds and advocate establishment of “Proceeds of Corruption Forfeiture Funds” for reparation of victims of corruption.