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Looks at the 2000 Employment Research Unit Annual Conference held at the University of Cardiff in Wales on 6/7 September 2000. Spotlights the 76 or so presentations within and shows that these are in many, differing, areas across management research from: retail finance; precarious jobs and decisions; methodological lessons from feminism; call centre experience and disability discrimination. These and all points east and west are covered and laid out in a simple, abstract style, including, where applicable, references, endnotes and bibliography in an easy‐to‐follow manner. Summarizes each paper and also gives conclusions where needed, in a comfortable modern format.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the nature of union responses to globalisation and, in particular, the global financial crisis; the consequences of the financial crisis for workers; and lessons from the experience.

The authors examined numerous union statements, declarations, reports and actions as well as extensive documentary evidence from other sources. The focus was on the behaviour of supranational trade unions, including the European Trade Union Confederation, the International Trade Union Confederation and Global Unions.

The supranational unions’ methods gradually shifted in the 2000s from reliance on institutional politics to collaboration with broader alter‐globalisation protest movements, though this carried risks. The global financial crisis appeared to be a strategic opportunity for trade unions, but while they developed sophisticated policy packages, they were unable to change the behaviour of global institutions. This accentuated the shift in union strategy. Governments initially set aside free market ideology for stimulus packages, but failed to regulate to prevent future crises. Workers bore the brunt of the crisis. The experience highlighted the contradictions facing unions dealing with global issues.

The outcomes of crises depend on the actions, strategies and prior strengths of the parties. Different outcomes emerged from prior crises and may emerge from future ones.

Few studies have examined the role of supranational unions in the context of the financial crisis. A clearer understanding of the weaknesses of and impediments to supranational union responses may increase the likelihood that future crises will be better understood and be followed by more effective responses.

The definition and essence of a trade union is to provide a voice for the worker, enabling a balancing of the power gap between employer and employee. How does that shift in the gig economy when the worker lacks even the most basic elements of protection through employment law? This chapter interrogates the proposition that the trade union movement has until recently neglected to engage with the issues that these workers are facing and so has denied its own roots. One result of this has been the emergence of alternative forms of organising for collective voice. This shifts the boundaries between organisers of collective voice and representation with varying results. This chapter discusses the impact on trade unionism of the gig economy and critiques its approach and pace. It identifies the conflict engendered within the trade union of advocating for members only, as well as the shifting sectors in the broader economy and trade union responses to that. The importance of trade unionism moving forward is assessed through a series of interviews and secondary research using the lenses of social movement theory at macro-level, social network theory at meso-level and social identity theory at micro-level. These theories allow an interdisciplinary analysis of trade unions responses to assess the causes of responses of trade unionists to this emergent gigging workforce and its challenges. It identifies that there is a more recent intention and potential for trade unions to engage with giggers but that an innovative and international movement for voice is required.

Aims to review British labour union leaders’ views on the use and importance of information and communications technology (ICT) within their unions.

An open‐ended e‐mail survey and personal interviews conducted in 2000‐2001 with union leaders provides the primary original data for this research. Responses are content analysed to assess the importance leaders assign to ICT for unions, to review the ways in which ICT is used, and the costs and benefits associated with ICT use. Charts and verbatim quotes are used to summarise respondents’ views. These views are compared and contrasted with data from the USA.

Union leaders were generally enthusiastic about the importance of ICT for unions, citing various examples of ICT‐based benefits to their unions. Some, however, expressed reservations about members’ access to ICT and potential “digital divides”, while others warned that ICT may encourage unions to neglect worker desires for “a human touch” in helping them resolve problems. British union leaders’ views generally reinforce findings from an earlier survey in the USA, although direct comparisons are limited.

Provides information on ICT views from a reasonably broad sampling of British union leaders and demonstrates similarity of views across Britain and the USA.

The purpose of this chapter is to develop a model of union reform that may help to revitalize the labor movement. Our model presents a path using democracy and militancy to overcome union oligarchy to build stronger unions and a stronger broader movement. We develop a new model of union revitalization by expanding the Voss and Sherman (2000) model from our own experiences and a review of past union revitalization efforts. Democratic and militant strategies are a key to successful reform efforts. Entrenched union leaders tend to oppose such efforts. Reformers must adequately overcome entrenched leader responses to succeed in reforming their unions. We have developed a new conceptual model of union revitalization. Our model should be tested further through in-depth case studies and analysis of reform efforts which have failed or succeeded. Our model presents strategies and tactics for labor activists to revitalize their unions and the labor movement. We present a new model of union revitalization that looks at both internal and external union revitalization. This chapter accumulates evidence across reform efforts throughout the modern history of unions. This comparative and contrasting analysis of the evidence from these efforts is a unique contribution to the field. Further, the resulting model from this review presents a unique focus on the strategies and tactics of reform efforts as well as the interaction between union reform efforts and entrenched leaders. This model provides a path for both future research and practical revitalization efforts.

This study explores the representation of identity groups and their interests within the labor movement using lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals as my case group. The goal is to provide new knowledge about how national and international unions in the United States are responding to sexual orientation. Data on the official polices of the 13 largest national and international unions was collected through a telephone survey of union staff and officials possessing specialized knowledge about their unions’ responses to sexual diversity.

The data collected here was used to test whether structural and demographic arguments regarding union responsiveness to LGBT issues explain the divergences in union initiatives to recognize sexual diversity. The results of this study confirmed earlier research that structural and demographic variables do matter but revealed that it is necessary to go beyond these variables to more fully explain variation in union responses to sexual diversity. Future research needs to explore other factors involving collective agency, history, ideology, and so on and the differences between the social movement unionism rooted in old class politics and one more influenced by the new social movements to understand why unions such as Service Employees International Union (SEIU) are the most responsive to minorities and the most successful in changing union culture as well as practice.

A whole array of management‐led initiatives over the past ten years has resulted in a significant shift in the basis of the employment relationship. In summary, this may be described as a move from “collectivism” to “individualism”. Highlights and describes the main elements of this and assesses the implications for the future of trade unions and collective bargaining.

The 1980s has been viewed as a period of considerable change in industrial relations. The transformation of the global market and new style management practices have raised important questions regarding the extent and character of continuities and discontinuities. Much emphasis has been placed on managerial initiatives although the substance of change has remained relatively unexplored. Much of the focus of change in terms of sophisticated management has underestimated the continuing indeterminancy of management in practice. The importance of trade union responses, including the role of employees, cannot be easily deduced from a focus upon the mechanisms of change. Considers some of the questions arising out of the new paradigms of managerial change in terms of institutional reform, human resource management and Japanization.

Misunderstanding, or misconstrual, is a major exacerbating factor in conflict escalation and an impediment to negotiation and resolution. Laboratory work has identified characteristic errors of construal which partisans make in assessing the views of their opponents. This paper examined whether these same phenomena could be observed in a traditional real‐world conflict, that between trade unions and management. In two studies, union representatives and managers reacted first (in Study 1) to an actual contract negotiation that the two sides were involved with, and then to a hypothetical unjust act. Results revealed that the two sides indeed display many characteristic errors of construal. Specifically, union representatives underestimated management concern for harmful acts against workers, or management's sincere wish to negotiate in good faith within financial constraints, and were generally highly suspicious of management motives and intentions toward workers. Managers saw union representatives as unreasonable, and greatly overestimated union militancy and unwillingness to accept extenuating circumstances. Negotiations will be greatly improved if such misconstruals can be exposed and debunked prior to, or during negotiations.

Unions are the potential but secure democratic counterforce to capital. The creation of “objective conditions” for international co‐operation has preceded but must result in “subjective conditions”. This theme survives little challenged as a central tenet of the official labour movement in country after country. The pervasive complacency in other circles concerning the prospects for industrial democracy to be achieved through the internationalisation of the evolutionary, pluralistic collective bargaining model, particularly at a time when that model seems unable to cope with born again free market philosophies even at a national level.