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The purpose of this paper is to propose a general micro-theoretical framework that helps to understand the embeddedness of trade unions within the European system of industrial relations, and the consequences of this embeddedness for industrial relations outcomes. First, starting from the paradoxical observation of a trend towards homogeneity within a complex, multi-layered European industrial relations system consisting of heterogeneous and autonomous agents, the paper aims to explicate the mechanisms which produce these similarities. Second, the paper seeks to analyse potential mechanisms for transnational trade union cooperation and, third, it concludes by outlining its applicability as the basis for methodological approaches which enable realistic and policy relevant analyses.

This paper is conceptual and focusses on the development of a general micro-theoretical framework which captures European industrial relations actors’ behaviour and outcomes. It integrates theoretical and empirical accounts from differing social science disciplines and from various methodological starting points on trade union action and interaction into one general micro-theoretical framework.

Starting from a typology of trade union goals, the authors show how various social mechanisms lead to interdependencies between trade unions and review empirical evidence for their consequences. The authors, then, identify a set of motives for transnational cooperation that would allow outcomes that are in line with trade union objectives.

Against the background that previous studies on trade union action and cross-national interaction have paid less attention to the puzzling stylised fact that industrial relations outcomes are mimicked by heterogeneous and autonomous agents actors in different countries, the authors address this research gap by developing a novel general micro-theoretical framework for the analysis of transnational trade union action and interaction in order to better understand the underlying causal mechanisms for the common behaviour and outcomes of autonomous actors.

The purpose of this paper is to study the factors that caused The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) security regime to be ineffective in saving transnational drug smuggling, including the internalization of non-optimal values and norms of the ASEAN Drug-Free Declaration.

This study uses primary data and secondary data. Data analysis and observation are carried out simultaneously, where data are analyzed directly after it is obtained using descriptive analysis. Interactive data analysis is carried out at the initial step by collecting primary and secondary data. Data are analyzed inductively by drawing conclusions from data obtained from general views to specifics.

The development of ASEAN has led to the idea of “ASEAN Way,” namely, the ASEAN security forum to eliminate the use of force in maintaining relations between member countries through the dissemination of agreed values. Multilateral negotiations refer to the establishment of a negotiation regime at the ASEAN level that emphasizes the interests of ASEAN member countries in determining agreements relating to transnational drug crimes. There are several inhibiting factors in the negotiation process, namely, perception differences between ASEAN countries on the threat of drug smuggling in the Southeast Asia region and the differences of ASEAN leaders’ priorities and agenda.

The originality/authenticity of research is analyzing the factors that affect the ASEAN security system in transnational protection policies by using two models, namely, the international level negotiation model and one at the national level in the form of ratification of ASEAN international relations related to drug smuggling. At present, transnational crimes, especially drug smuggling, appear and pose a threat to national and international security. The object of this research is ASEAN international organizations in cases of transnational drug smuggling.

Addresses the rapid expansion of computer connectivity and the opportunities provided for criminals to exploit security vulnerabilities in the online environment.

International efforts to combat cyber‐crime are reviewed by evaluating the forms of mutual legal assistance (MLA) now in place.

Cyber‐crime is often traditional crime (e.g. fraud, identify theft, child pornography) albeit executed swiftly and to vast numbers of potential victims, as well as unauthorised access, damage and interference to computer systems. Most detrimental are malicious and exploit codes that interrupt computer operations on a global scale and along with other cyber‐crimes threaten e‐commerce. The cross‐national nature of most computer‐related crimes have rendered many time‐honoured methods of policing both domestically and in cross‐border situations ineffective even in advanced nations, while the “digital divide” provides “safe havens” for cyber‐criminals. In response to the threat of cyber‐crime there is an urgent need to reform methods of MLA and to develop trans‐national policing capability.

The international response is briefly outlined in the context of the United Nations (UN) Transnational Organised Crime Convention (in force from September 2003) and the Council of Europe's innovative Cyber‐crime Convention (in force from July 2004). In addition, the role of the UN, Interpol, other institutions and bi‐lateral, regional and other efforts aimed a creating a seamless web of enforcement against cyber‐criminals are described.

The potential for potent global enforcement mechanisms are discussed.

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the issue of mutual legal assistance (MLA) within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in combating money laundering.

This paper first examines the scenario of money laundering (ML) in Southeast Asia and the ASEAN's response. It then discusses the legal framework and practice of regional MLA in anti‐money laundering (AML). Statistic and hypothetical cases will be provided to illustrate the arguments.

Despite the strongly political commitment, ASEAN States have failed in response to ML effectively. MLA that is one of the most important forms of regional cooperation in combating ML has confronted a range of barriers. Insufficient capacity of law enforcement across the region and disparities among national criminal laws are the utmost barriers. Among the ASEAN State authorised agencies, police is a crucial one in processing MLA for AML.

This paper would be beneficial for the regional policy makers and law enforcement agencies in order to make the regional cooperation in combating ML more effective.

Europe as a destination seems to be in a critical stage. There is more competition than cooperation between European nations and regions Our continent needs new solutions and patterns of tourism development. As new initiatives take place in transborder regions it is important to analyze opportunities for transborder tourism development. Several euroregions function only as “umbrellas” facilitating tourism development in national components however some of them are becoming attractive transborder destinations. The author tries to compare regions and euroregions as destinations. The paper shows the role of structural funds (e.g. Interreg), in transnational cooperation and to describes examples of good practice in transborder tourism. According to Association of European Border Regions, “the border regions themselves would not be able to overcome their problems without being granted assistance from the UE. The Oresund is one of the first euroregions promoted as transnational destination. The creation of a transborder destination is a long term process. It requires stable partnership between national components that leads from alienation to integration

Recent developments in the EU’s anti-corruption strategy have brought the EU closer to meeting the UNCAC’s objectives, i.e. the Proposal for a Directive on combating corruption (2023) and the Proposal for a Directive on Asset Recovery and Confiscation (2022). This paper aims to discuss these developments from the perspective of the UNCAC, to identify missing elements in the EU’s asset recovery mechanisms.

Critical approach towards EU anti-corruption policy (discussing the problems and solutions). Review of EU developments in asset recovery law.

There is a political will on the part of the EU to fight corruption through the rules enshrined in the UNCAC. However, improving EU law by introducing a new type of confiscation of unexplained wealth and criminalising illicit enrichment, without establishing convergent rules for the return of corrupt assets from EU territory to the countries of origin, cannot be seen as sufficient action to achieve the UNCAC’s objectives. In modelling mechanisms of the return of assets, the EU should search for solutions to overcome the difficulties resulting from the ordre public clause remaining a significant factor conditioning mutual legal assistance.

This paper discusses the possible input of the EU, as a non-State Party to the UNCAC, to advance implementing the UNCAC solutions on asset recovery by establishing convergent rules for the return of corrupt assets from EU territory to countries of origin.

“It should also be noted that the objective of convergence and equal distribution, including across under-performing areas, can hinder efforts to generate growth. Contrariwise, the objective of competitiveness can exacerbate regional and social inequalities, by targeting efforts on zones of excellence where projects achieve greater returns (dynamic major cities, higher levels of general education, the most advanced projects, infrastructures with the heaviest traffic, and so on). If cohesion policy and the Lisbon Strategy come into conflict, it must be borne in mind that the former, for the moment, is founded on a rather more solid legal foundation than the latter” European Commission (2005, p. 9)Adaptation of Cohesion Policy to the Enlarged Europe and the Lisbon and Gothenburg Objectives.

This chapter reflects on calls for and processes of the de-colonisation of academia and the study of media, communication and the digital. It asks: what does it mean to de-colonise academia and the study of media, communication and the digital? How can academia be transformed in progressive ways? This essay takes a Radical Humanist and Political Economy perspective on de-colonisation, which means that it is interested in how capitalism, power and material aspects of academia such as resources, money, infrastructures, time, space, working conditions and social relations of production shape the possibilities and realities of research and teaching. This essay stresses the importance of defining (neo-)colonialism as foundation of debates about de-colonisation and engages with theoretical foundations and definitions of (neo-)colonisation. It identifies how material forces and political economy shape and negatively impede on the university and academic knowledge production. It provides perspectives for concrete steps that can and should be taken for overcoming the capitalist and colonised university and creating the public interest and commons-oriented university and academic system.

The purpose of this paper is to assess the progresses made by the Potenza province in implementing #weResilient strategy, a risk-informed sustainable development policy-making action at territorial/local levels based on a structural combination of environmental sustainability, territorial safety and climate change contrasting policies; results obtained in supporting and coordinating the municipalities of the provincial territory for creating local conditions to manage risks and sustainable development with a multiscale and multilevel holistic approach based on a wide-area outlook and so contributing directly to the SFDRR Target E, SDGs 11 and 13 and to other goals and targets; The effectiveness of the accountability system on which the approach is based.

The conceptual basis: A strong governance based on multi-stakeholder and community engagement; The interdisciplinary nature of risk; Enhancing local resilience is an essential pre-condition for achieving all of the SDGs; Downscaling the experience of Potenza Province to the urban context; 10;The design: Description of #weResilient, the multiscale and multilevel approach in Local Resilience and sustainable development adopted by the Province of Potenza: the Vision and institutional commitment; the accountability; the multi-stakeholder engagement; community and people-centered iaction; the achieved results; the critical points. Description and analysis of the performed supportive actions to the municipalities with a subsidiary and wide-area approach.

A significant progress in establishing the basis for a risk-informed decision-making at local level; Further significant progresses in promoting inclusive Resilience across the provincial territory; Progress in Implementation of the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction and disaster risk-informed Sustainable Development at local level, including in support of the 2030 Agenda, the Paris Agreement and the New Urban Agenda. Achievements and progresses made in local communities engagement; Achievements in performing actions for including communities and people in relevant institutional decision making processes, building capacities, developing capabilities, raising awareness, increasing political will and public support in local disaster risk reduction and achievement of the SDGs.

The paper is a field-testing of the implementation results of the #weResilient strategy, a risk-informed sustainable development policy-making action at territorial/local levels based on a structural combination of environmental sustainability, territorial safety and climate change contrasting policies; of the coherence of the multiscale and multilevel approach in integrating risk informed and sustainable development pathways; of the improved governance at urban level thanks to the downscaling of the strategy.

Transforming DRR and Resilience to disasters into real “structural” policy-making and actions to be implemented by coordinating territorial and urban development and land-use, with a wide area vision and holistic approach is crucial for the effectiveness of the territorial sustainable development. Moreover, participatory mechanisms can boost althe political will and consequently the related public support. The bottom-up approaches, especially when structured on well defined and clear strategies and supported by concrete actions, are a strategic tool for enhancing the institutional commitment and for enriching the implementation paths also with additional and innovative strategic solution.

In the #weResilient strategy implementation most of the efforts have been devoted to setting-up a complex system of progressive engagement having the main purpose of entrusting and engaging key-actors and community in the institutional policy-making regarding territorial and urban sustainable and resilient development. Engaging community in decision-making processes allows governments to tap into wider perspectives and potential solutions to improve decisions, services and actions. At the same time, it provides the basis for productive relationships, improved dialogue, increased sense of belonging and, ultimately, concrete better democracy.

Multiscale and multilevel holistic approaches in downscaling local well defined Resilience and Sustainable Development integrated strategies (#weResilient) provide for the best approach in terms of future growth. Setting a vision, outlining a strategy and implementing actions on those elements with multiscale and holistic approaches is key- success of every local long-term development; various worldwide leading experiences demonstrated by particularly shining governments are a tangible proof of it. So, the value of this work is to illustrate a concrete example of translation of words into actions so to provide guidance and inspiration to other worldwide governments in performing similar path.