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Discussions on the implications of power relations among the state, market, and society in urban plans and planning processes are usually centered on urban issues. Studies on suburbanization generally look at suburbs and satellite towns as “spillovers” of high density in the cities, deteriorating conditions of the innercity – particularly in the case of the United States – as well as the longing for living closer to nature. During the twentieth century, both the garden suburb and garden city movements in Britain influenced the planning of new communities overseas. The garden city movement of Ebenezer Howard, emphasizing new and attractive planned towns with their own socialisitic administration, employment, and local facilities, has strong echoes in Singapore's new towns, although the adaptation of the concept in Singapore is more towards the physical landscapes and built greeneries rather than embracing the whole idea of the garden city.

Examines the attitude of the consumer and local authorities to out‐of‐town shopping centres by means of results of a survey carried out in two suburbs of Bournemouth in the UK. Reveals that both the consumer and local authorities have reservations about the role of out‐of‐town shopping centres and its effect on the overall pattern of retail distribution, despite the apparent benefits of this kind of shopping.

Within town and city centres in the UK the challenges of managing public spaces, concerns about crime, the fear of crime, anti‐social behaviour and environmental problems and the desire to maintain and enhance vitality and viability are important and interlinked issues. During the past two decades a number of policy and management initiatives have been introduced in an attempt to address these issues and to promote sustainable town and city centres. Town Centre Management (TCM) schemes, for example, were established in a growing number of towns and cities from late 1980 onwards (e.g. Jones 1990). The basic aim ofTCM has been to regenerate, sustain and develop the well being and to manage the potential of town and city centres by encouraging stakeholders and local businesses to work together in purposeful partnerships to ensure the co‐ordination and development of services. There are a number of variations in the structure and funding regimes of the 250 or so TCM schemes across the UK but they generally involve some kind of public sector/private sector partnership and funding, albeit in varying proportions, a focus on a particular area and co‐ordinated management.

Closed‐circuit television (CCTV) surveillance systems are becoming an increasingly popular weapon in the battle against crime in town and city centres. Provides a commentary on the employment of CCTV and suggests that they are most effective as part of an integrated and coherent town centre management strategy.

Whether the recent pressure for more out‐of‐town shopping appears to be easing in favour of further revitalisation of the inner city centre is discussed by involved interlocutors, both at local and at ministerial level. Amongst other relevant aspects of retail development, the pros and cons of superstores operating side by side with small businesses in town centres are examined.

Drawing on evidence from ten towns (across England, Wales and Northern Ireland) participating in the High Street UK 2020 (HSUK2020) project, the purpose of this paper is to reveal how local stakeholders involved in place management respond to high street decline through a strategy of repositioning.

This paper identifies the challenges faced by the towns considering repositioning, and highlights examples of good practice of relevance to the practitioners. First, it outlines the perspectives on repositioning from the academic research and theory, before drawing on evidence from across ten UK towns that participated in the HSUK2020 project, to reveal how repositioning involves more than just taking a snapshot profile of a place.

The research revealed major challenges faced by local stakeholders in clearly identifying and communicating their market position, in particular, the maintenance of up-to-date information on catchments was lacking at all the locations. Despite having local knowledge and some data, stakeholders still did not possess a clear (or shared) understanding of the identity or function of their towns. This evidence reflects the complexity of analysing and understanding repositioning and developing coherent strategies.

Knowledge exchange between stakeholders involved in place management can help inform the identification of new strategic objectives, appropriate interventions and project planning and delivery. Where resources are limited, particularly in smaller towns and settlements, the research demonstrates the significance of collecting and sharing data and analysis with other stakeholders, because this can generate positive outcomes for all.

By offering empirical evidence based on the experience of local practitioners, this paper provides valuable insight into how town centre stakeholders collect, interpret and analyse data, revealing the challenges, opportunities and practicalities involved in developing and implementing repositioning strategies.

Town centre management (TCM) schemes in Spain have generally evolved primarily from a retail perspective, led by small and medium sized (SME) retailers. However, their development has often focused on business goals (e.g. profit, increase in footfall, etc). In doing so, they have often overlooked the very social issues that have embedded retail historically in the socio‐economic matrix of our towns and cities. This paper, adopting a case‐study approach, seeks to re‐address this imbalance by exploring some of the key success factors of Gran Centre Granollers (GCG) – one of Spain's most advanced retailer‐led TCM schemes located in Granollers (near Barcelona).

This paper, adopting a case‐study approach, explores some of the key success factors ofGCC..

GCG's visionary motto of “city, culture and commerce” and its inclusive approach to the management of the area's stakeholders have captured the imagination of the town's independent retailers (75 per cent of them are members of the scheme). It has also proved pivotal in engaging the town's residents with the scheme's vision, purpose and ethical values. This is reflected in the success of their customer loyalty credit card initiative and the steady growth of the scheme's membership from ten to three hundred businesses in the last ten years.

This case study should be of interest to town centre managers, SME retailers, researchers in the social sciences and students of urban regeneration and retail management.

There is growing interest in town centre management schemes in a number of towns and cities in the UK. Some of the major elements within such schemes are outlined.

Hardly a day goes by without a report about one of the great traditions of British dissent: a small group protesting at the demolition of a cottage; a lone crusader chaining him or herself to a tree to prevent its felling; or a band of enthusiasts standing in the way of a bulldozer as it attempts to fill in a duckpond. Yet that same culture, which has bred a stubborn tradition of activism in the cause of a manageable and human‐centred environment, is curiously silent in the face of a threat that will involve the demolition, potentially, of hundreds of cottages, thousands of trees and scores of duckponds. Additionally, it will involve the desecration and impoverishment of the urban landscape that city‐dwellers are only now beginning to learn is every bit as fragile and in need of care and attention as our natural heritage. This is the looming threat of the giant multi‐purpose out‐of‐town retail centre. Whether it be for a large clear span warehouse, for a retail ‘farm’ of several similar centres selling stratified lines in bulk, or the establishment of an entire alternative High Street in the middle of nowhere, most urban centres and particularly free‐standing centres, face a plethora of applications and a wash of finance and public relations expertise in the drive to persuade, cajole or bully local authorities into accepting planning applications of monumental consequences for the established retail centres of those authorities. In South Hampshire alone there are currently 18 applications under consideration for out‐of‐town shopping centres which together total in excess of 4,000,000 sq. ft. (To put this figure into real context, Southampton City Centre currently has 1,500,000 sq. ft of retail.)

British New Towns represent not a single homogeneous set of experiences, but lessons learned derive as much from their differences as their similarities. The chapter studies two British New Towns– Harlow and Thamesmead – identifying the main features of their master plans and analysing their trajectories and outcomes as actually built.

Harlow could be regarded as a typical British New Town. Designated in 1947, it is one of the first New Towns built around London, following design principles of the first (Mark I) generation. In contrast, Thamesmead was built within the city limits of London, but could be included in the second generation of the New Towns.

The towns’ plans have a number of commonalities, in the provision of green areas, employment, commercial areas and services for their population; but their locations, urban structure, land use and physical relation to their surroundings are quite different as they followed different concepts and evolving planning ideas. Even more striking contrast may be found in the way that these towns have grown and matured in different ways. This chapter therefore scrutinises the two towns’ plans, and what was actually built, drawing lessons for New Towns more generally.