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Although the threat of protest may be a barrier toward implementing a tobacco policy on college campuses in the USA, the prevalence and severity of such opposition has yet to be investigated. The purpose of this paper was to determine how often campus communities protest against smoke-free policies and rate the disruptiveness of the protests.

Researchers located and analyzed news reports regarding 21 protests over newly implemented or proposed policies on college campuses in the USA.

Protests over college campus smoking policies are typically non-disruptive and consist of a small group of students who publicly smoke tobacco products and attempt to gain support of fellow students.

Those advocating for campus tobacco policies should be aware that the campus community may protest, but that a heightened concern of a protest's effect on the campus community may be unfounded.

To authors’ knowledge, research studies regarding opposition to anti-tobacco policies cannot be found in the literature. This paper may be used as a practical resource by advocates to educate campus administrators about the low turnout and lack of severity of any possible protest to a new campus tobacco policy.

This paper aims to analyse Swedish tobacco policy, especially in relation to EU tobacco regulation. The paper also seeks to review the arguments and the scientific support presented in the debate around Swedish snus, setting it in the context of future EU regulation on tobacco.

The article draws on previous research, official documents and newspaper articles to examine tobacco policy development on a national and EU level.

The paper shows that the so‐called Swedish experience has led to a somewhat ambivalent political attitude towards tobacco policy. The Swedish case of snus also demonstrates the EU as a political and regulatory force in national policymaking and how different economic and political interests are using scientifically based arguments to advance goals of their own. The paper argues that political measures are dictated by ideology and political considerations, which are themselves supported by ambiguous scientific results. Harm reduction is used as a political tool in a debate which extends well beyond public health concerns.

This paper contributes to research on tobacco policy in general and on Swedish snus in particular. The paper also puts the snus question in a broader context of national public health policy and EU regulation.

Focuses on information resources for US public policy concerning tobacco. Aspects of public policy are addressed under the following general topic areas: tobacco as an agricultural product or commodity; tobacco as a public health concern; legislation concerning tobacco; sources on tobacco regulation; and statistical sources on tobacco. Resources available over the World Wide Web are emphasized.

The marketing of alcohol and tobacco products and their related public policy implications have become controversial issues worldwide, due mainly to health‐related issues. Uses a telephone survey methodology to compare attitudes toward Olympic sponsorship by a leading US brewer with general attitudes toward the use of sports sponsorship to promote tobacco products. Results suggest that respondents have significantly different attitudes towards the two product categories and their use of sponsorship, accepting more readily the use of the Olympics to promote beer. Respondents’ self‐interest is also found to significantly affect the level of acceptance for the use of sport to promote alcohol or tobacco products, although in slightly different ways. The findings are discussed in relation to previous research, along with their managerial implications.

The purpose of this study was to evaluate how higher tax on tobacco would influence output and employment in Vietnam.

The authors used micro-simulation techniques proposed by Walbeeck (2010). Both national data (from Input–Output Table) and household data (Vietnam Household Living Standard Survey) were utilized.

The results showed that any increase in the excise tax for tobacco would have positive net impacts on both national output and employment. The tobacco industry would not be significantly affected due to its small contribution to national economy and employment. More importantly, money released from reduced tobacco consumption would be reallocated to other goods and services, and thus outputs and jobs in nontobacco sectors would increase.

The key limitation of this study was due to unavailability of updated data, especially Input–Output Table as well as household living standard survey.

This study concluded that government should increase tax on cigarette along with a well-planned roadmap to avoid unexpected consequences on income and employment of laborers in this sector.

This study replicated a popular approach in order to verify an important government policy (i.e. effect of tax on tobacco on output and employment) under Vietnamese context.

State policies have played a significant role in shaping the structure of agrarian economy in both advanced and under‐developed capitalist societies.(1) The influence of the state over the rural sector is not simply confined to its agricultural policies but covers a large array of policies and actions that may have direct as well as indirect effects on the rural population. This paper deals with the factors that influence agricultural policies of the state in the specific case of state policies towards Oriental tobacco production in Turkey.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the underlying drivers for the development and subsequent discontinuation of stand-alone corporate social responsibility (CSR) reporting in a multinational subsidiary in Bangladesh.

The research approach employed for this purpose is a case study using evidence from a series of in-depth interviews conducted during the period 2002-2010. Interview data are supplemented by examining other sources of information including annual reports, stand-alone social reports and relevant newspaper articles during the study period.

It appears that the stand-alone CSR reporting process was initiated to give the subsidiary a formal space in which to legitimise its activities in Bangladesh where both tobacco control regulation and a strong anti-tobacco movement were gaining momentum. At the start of the process in 2002 corporate interviewees were very receptive of this initiative and strongly believed that it would not be a one off exercise. However, in the face of subsequent significant national policy shifts concerning tobacco control, irreconcilable stakeholder demands and increasing criticism of the CSR activities of the organisation at home and abroad the process was brought to an abrupt end in 2009.

The paper has a number of implications for policy makers concerning the future prospects for stand-alone social/sustainability reporting as a means of enhancing organisational transparency and accountability. In addition the paper discusses a number of theoretical implications for the development of legitimacy theory.

Using the lens of legitimacy the paper theorises the circumstances leading to the initiation and subsequent cessation of CSR reporting in the organisation concerned. As far as the authors know this is the first study which theorises and provides significant fieldwork-based empirical evidence regarding the discontinuation of stand-alone social reporting by a multinational company operating in a developing country. Thus, it extends previous desk-based attempts at using legitimacy theory to explain a decrease (or discontinuity) in CSR disclosures by de Villiers and van Staden (2006) and Tilling and Tilt (2010).

As part of a tobacco farmer diversification randomized intervention study in 14 eastern North Carolina counties, a media content analysis of 16 local newspapers was conducted. All available issues of each of the newspapers from the period 1 November 1996, through 31 December 1999, were reviewed, and all relevant articles were clipped, coded, and entered into a database. Media coverage intensity was compared, qualitatively, with data from interviews with local civic, health, and religious leaders. There was, on average, only one tobacco diversification article in every 100 newspaper issues. The hypothesis that coverage of tobacco diversification and tobacco control would become more favorable in the intervention counties over time was not supported. Interview data showed that organizational leaders placed a higher priority on tobacco diversification policy issues than evidenced by media coverage.

The debate surrounding tobacco control has become increasingly polarised as the health and tobacco lobbies seek to influence tobacco policy. In recent times the main focus for debate has been the impact of tobacco advertising on under‐age smoking. However, with the proposed ban on tobacco advertising, this paper argues that branding may prove pivotal to re‐orienting thinking about how tobacco marketing continues to influence smoking initiation. Marketing theory asserts that creating demand for a product is dependent upon building a strong brand identity that concurs with the needs, values and lifestyles of the consumer. It is hypothesised that branding can function by affecting not only the way people perceive specific tobacco products but also their perceptions of smoking behaviour itself. Using branding to extend the debate in this way provides some useful insights into the role tobacco marketing might play in encouraging young people to start smoking. It is concluded that explanations for smoking initiation can be found, not by attempting to isolate the abilities of tobacco marketing and health policy to persuade young people to adopt one behaviour in favour of the other, but by examining how exposure to competing forces such as these during adolescence may conspire to brand smoking in a way that encourages young people to experiment with cigarettes. It is suggested that more significant advances in reducing smoking rates are likely to depend upon a willingness to confront the fundamental contradictions that are created by such competing forces.

The South African government’s objectives relating to tobacco, primarily deterrence and revenue generation, have since the early 1970s not been maintained. The real value of tobacco taxes fell over the 20‐year period 1970 to 1990 and, as a result, consumption steadily increased. Since 1990, however, the government has, despite vociferous opposition from the industry, embarked on a stronger programme of tobacco control and has increased excise taxes in real terms. Uses a simulation model of the government’s non‐optimal tax policy to show that revenue could have increased by 2 per cent, had the government maintained the real value of excise duties. These findings suggest that, despite government moves in the right direction, there is still much room for a stronger tobacco taxation policy in South Africa that will enhance government revenue and contain consumption.