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The purpose of this paper is to consider the role of accounting in the construction and maintenance of political hegemony during Mao’s People’s Commune movement in China between 1958 and 1966. Drawing on concepts of ideological power and intellectual diffusion in political and civil society from Gramsci’s theory of hegemony, it analyses the process by which accounting intellectuals established a set of socialist accounting practices to meet the political challenges of the People’s Commune.

Gramsci’s theory is adopted to examine how the accounting systems of People’s Commune acted as a mechanism that reflected Mao’s political ideas.

This paper demonstrates that the accounting system that emerged during these socio-political movements served the ideological purpose of reinforcing Mao’s political ideology and his hegemonic leadership. Accounting functioned within the spheres of both political and civil society to facilitate a national collective will, and to construct behaviours that satisfied the political requirements of the People’s Commune.

This paper will contribute to the accounting history in China from 1958 to 1966.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the farmers’ income and to analyze the factors affecting the farmers’ income as well as rural life during the People’s Commune period.

The study’s data are drawn from unique account books of production team and a great deal of rural archives from the aspects of commune, production brigade and production team during the People’s Commune period.

The fate of the people’s commune is closely related to the income of its members. This study tries to explore the answers to “what determines members’ income” and “what influences their income,” which include the impact of the materialization on farmers’ income, the gender structure of the household labor force, the life cycle of the family and the population and so on. The main reason for farmers’ income differentiation is the difference in the demographic structure of the farmers, while the social system and traditional culture strengthen the role of this factor.

The biggest feature of the study is that it deeply explored the unique account books of production team from a micro-view, and studied the issue of People’s Commune from the level of farmers using the methods of historical textual research and mathematical analysis. This study is a supplement of the research on the family level which has long been lacked in the academic community.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the long-term differences in household income and their causes in the people’s commune through a panel of micro-data.

The income mobility method (including static Gini mobility and dynamic income transition matrix) as well as the multinomial logit model) are employed in this paper.

Empirical results indicate that differences in household income were relatively low during the people’s commune period. In addition, both Gini mobility and income transition matrix analyses show that income mobility in the long term was faster than that in the short term, suggesting income mobility was beneficial for low-income earners in the long term, i.e., there was an pro-poorness. The major factor influencing household income was the structure of family population, not the quantity of labor input.

This paper is the first using income mobility method to study farmers’ income disparity and conducting factor decomposition on it in the people’s commune period. The micro-data on production team level applied in the paper is of high value, and the paper is helpful to understand the low efficiency of the people’s commune.

The purpose of this paper is to summarize the institutional evolution of China's farmland property rights deformity with its internal logic, analyze its property rights deformity and the invasions of these rights under the family operation background, and puts forward fundamental suggestions for reforming farmland property rights in China.

The concept of “public domain” raised by Barzel in 1989 is used and extended to analyze China's farmland system.

There exist five sorts of public domain and two apparent characteristics of property rights deformity: the unclear final controlling rights for some valuable attributes of goods of the “public domain”; and the “public domain” deliberately created by the government. The public domain caused by technical factors and owner's real capability are herein excluded.

China's past and present farmland system is a result of the government's compulsory system arrangements instead of market evolution. The expansion of public domains III and V has directly shrunk peasants' residual property rights. The concept of “public domain” is developed to reveal the essence of China's farmland property rights deformity.

The purpose of this paper is to draw conclusions about China's agricultural integration (CAI) by looking back its processes stage by stage, discussing the problems related to CAI, in order to learn salutary lessons for the future of agricultural development, for the increase in rural income, and especially for the promotion of CAI.

The paper comprises three stages: analyzing the process of CAI from the household responsibility system, to agricultural industrialization, until the stage of CAI led by farmers' co‐operatives; discussing the related practice together with literature; and historically proving that there is no better way to promote CAI than letting it be led by farmers' co‐operatives.

The paper finds that, the development of China's agricultural economic organizations is owing to CAI, and can be studied stage by stage; the process of CAI proves that it needs to be promoted as a new style led by farmers' co‐operative in order to increase rural income; literature review also gives eloquent proof of the above viewpoint; agricultural integration led by farmers' co‐operative should be taken as a better way to upgrade CAI and to increase rural income, for it can decrease the benefit disputes that usually happened in the former type of agricultural industrialization.

The obvious value of the paper is to show, by a historical review, a way to promote CAI and to increase farmers' income. A literature review finds these countermeasures comprehensively, historically, and theoretically. The information about CAI will be beneficial for people who are interested in the topic.

Bottlenecked by rural underdevelopment, China’s overall development is bound to be inadequate and unbalanced. Through a brief retrospect of the reform directed against the “equalitarianism (egalitarianism)” in China’s rural areas, as well as the Chinese Government’s conceptual transformation and systemic construction and improvement thereof, the purpose of this paper is to clarify the panoramic significance of rural reform; the necessity, priority, and long-term nature of the current rural development; and the important role of public policy in doing so. It also looks ahead to consider the prospects for future rural reform.

This paper first reviews the rural reforms that were carried out in 1978. Second, it introduces the government’s conceptual change regarding rural reform and the establishment and improvement of the system that underlies it. Finally, the future of rural reform is envisaged.

The initial rural reforms brought extensive and profound changes to China’s rural areas. The experience of rural reform has been referred to and escalated by other fields of study. Hence, rural reforms have become something of global significance. Moreover, since the government can undertake reforms well beyond the reach of farmers, its views must be modified in a timely manner, and only then may it reasonably construct and improve the system pertaining to the “three rural issues (agriculture, rural areas, and farmers).”

This paper reviews the rural reforms carried out in 1978. It introduces the government’s change of concept with respect to rural reforms and the establishment and improvement of the system based on the “three rural issues,” thus looking forward to the future of rural reforms. The findings of this paper are of significance to the formulation of future agricultural policies.

Community-based disaster risk management (CBDRM) has been recognized since the mid-1990s. However, in the changing environment of the new millennium and the move toward disaster risk reduction (DRR), the community-based disaster risk reduction (CBDRR) has been evolving in recent years. In Vietnam, many projects and programs in CBDRR have been carried out since the year 2000, and these programs tried to increase the resilience of the most vulnerable villages and communes. These projects aim to strengthen the capacity of the communities to become more aware and responsive to their short-and long-term needs through participatory risk assessment and identification, prioritization, and implementation of risk reduction measures.

During the process of reform and opening-up, the structural transformations of the Chinese economy have two significant leaps forward and demonstrate a process of “rural area–industrialization (urban industry and rural industry)–urbanization” development powered by the main engine of economic growth.

These two leaps forward resulted in transitions of economic structure in China. In the author’s view, structural transformations are closely related to China's economic reforms and can be divided into clear phases.

The structural transformations have two significant leaps forward and demonstrate a process of “rural area–industry (urban industry and rural industry)–urban area development” powered by the main engine of economic growth.

This paper reviews and summarizes the development and structural transformations in China’s economy over the last 40 years. The author believes that China’s economic miracle is accompanied by dramatic changes in its economic structure, which is particularly characterized by the ongoing process of transition from a traditional agricultural economy into a country with high industrial output, from industrialization into urbanization and from a planned economy into a market economy.

The post‐1978 micro‐economic reforms have dismantled China’s community‐funded rural health system, relying on paramedics called “barefoot doctors”. Examines the economic behaviour and incentives of village doctors (formerly “barefoot doctors”) as a response to a deregulated market and the private sector in the 1990s. The investigation of 519 village doctors showed that the occupation was male‐dominated. There was minimal labour mobility ‐ 86 per cent worked in the same village; 87 per cent were allocated land, but the majority spent 25 per cent or less of working hours on farming. Suggests that they should provide free patient services, and income should come from payment for medicine. In practice, monopolistic market situations enabled many to charge fees. To maximize income, 41 per cent of western medicine practitioners also sold Chinese medicinal herbs in competition with Chinese medicine practitioners. However, village doctors wanted more regulations on entry to the occupation and looked to government intervention to solve problems. Concludes with some policy implications drawing on the pursuit of private interests by village doctors.

Drawing on studies in flood-affected upland areas of Thailand and Vietnam, this chapter explores the complex interplay between collective, state and individual responses to disastrous flood events and subsequent mitigation strategies. Fieldwork was conducted between 2007 and 2009, employing a variety of qualitative methods, such as semi-structured interviews in flood-affected households, focus group discussions and narrative essays written by local people. Evidence suggests that farmers’ willingness to engage in flood mitigation is curbed by the common perception that flooding is caused by a bundle of exogenous factors. In the case study from Vietnam, state intervention in formerly community-based water management has alienated farmers from water governance and reduced their sense of personal and collective responsibility. Their lack of engagement in flood-prevention strategies could also be explained by the fact that their major cash crop was not affected by the flood event. In the Thai case study, where community-based water management remained largely unaffected by state influence, villagers agreed in a collective decision-making process to widening the riverbed after a severe flood, although this meant that some farmers had to give up parts of their paddy fields. Yet, following a second flood, these farmers opened up new upland rice fields in the forested upper watershed areas to ensure their food security, thus increasing the likelihood of future flood disasters downstream. We conclude that flood mitigation and adaptation policies need to consider (1) local people’s own causal explanations of flood events and (2) the potential trade-offs between collective action, state intervention and individual livelihood strategies.