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This study aims to scrutinize and analyze the regional challenges facing Kuwait and their impact on Kuwait’s national security since the outbreak of Arab Spring revolutions in 2011. These challenges are as follows: the Iranian threat, the Arab Spring revolutions and the recent Gulf crisis with Qatar.

The study adopts national interest approach, which focuses on a state’s economic, military and cultural objectives. According to this approach, a state seeks to achieve its own national interests. There are multiple national interests, but the ultimate goal is the survival and security of the state.

The study concludes that the Gulf countries, including Kuwait, are facing unprecedented challenges as a result of the dire consequences of the Arab Spring revolutions, the control of Houthi group on Yemen’s institutions and the repercussions of negotiations between 5 + 1 group (Russia, China, France, Britain, the USA + German) and Iran on the Iranian nuclear program. These developments are not in the interest of the Gulf countries in general and Kuwait in particular. The study recommends that Kuwait must adopt an external strategy based on achieving the regional balance with the countries of the region and dealing with different challenges according to its national interest.

The importance of the study stems from the fact that the Arab region witnessed many developments at the political, economic and social levels since the outbreak of the Arab Spring revolutions. These developments posed many threats to Arab countries such as the spread of terrorism, religious extremism, terrorist organizations and non-state actors. They also became a key determinant of foreign policy. Kuwait was affected by these developments. In addition, it faces threats affecting its national security such as the Iranian threat, the Arab Spring revolutions and the Gulf crisis with Qatar. The study addresses these threats and how Kuwait, as a small state, has dealt with such enormous ones.

Despite the rising significance of the Arabian Gulf on the global corporate landscape, research is lacking in the area of organizational crisis communication. The purpose of this paper is to present a preliminary contribution to this gap in the form of an initial investigation of the conceptualization of crisis among female Emirati nationals in Dubai.

With reference to Pearson and Clair’s (1998) list of organizational crises, the authors designed a survey to elicit perceptions of crises, their severity, and their likelihood of occurring in the United Arab Emirates; the authors administered this survey to 105 female Emirati respondents. Given the heavy delineation of gender roles that exists in the region, the authors limited this initial study to a single gender, women. The authors discuss the crises respondents identified as most severe and most likely to occur in the country in terms of culture, Islamic values, and business in Dubai.

Responses indicate that perceptions of crisis differ vastly from those that typically obtain in western countries and that particular religious and cultural factors influence these perceptions.

Given the divergence between the construal of crisis in the Gulf and in western contexts, further investigation of how organizational crisis is perceived and responded to in Gulf contexts is warranted to inform corporate communication management in a region whose economic influence is increasingly important. Future research also needs to investigate a broader sample, including male respondents, in order to construct a framework of culture and crisis in the region.

As more MNCs are attracted to Dubai, and other Gulf cities, it is imperative that they are well informed of the differing perceptions of, and reactions to, potential crises that may affect them directly or indirectly.

The present study is the first the authors know of that assesses how organizational crises are perceived in a Gulf context. It brings to the fore certain particularities that could serve as hypotheses for an innovative research stream. While it is an exploratory study, it highlights salient issues that can be formulated into hypotheses in further research.

This study examines herding in Islamic bank equity markets under various market conditions (up/down, high/low trading and high/low volatility) and during events such as Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) meeting days, Ramadan, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) crisis of 2017 and the COVID-19 pandemic. The authors also look at the impact of rising and falling oil prices on herding behaviour.

This study uses the model of Chang et al. (2000) to estimate herding behaviour in the Islamic bank markets.

First, the authors estimate herding at the GCC region level, and the results reveal an absence of herding under all market conditions and during all the events considered, except for the GCC crisis of 2017. Second, the authors investigate herding in four Gulf countries (Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates [UAE], Qatar and Kuwait) separately and find that herding is evident in all these countries during various market conditions. During Ramadan, herding appears in the Saudi Arabia and Kuwait Islamic bank equity markets. Herding is not prevalent during OPEC meeting days in any of the markets, whereas herding is evident in Saudi Arabia, UAE and Kuwait Islamic bank equity markets during the GCC crisis of 2017 and the COVID-19 pandemic. Lastly, the rising and falling oil prices do not influence herding at either GCC region or country level.

From the practitioner's perspective, this study provides useful insights for investors in Islamic banks and policymakers, in terms of asset pricing, portfolio diversification, trading strategies and market stability.

Many studies explore herding in the equity markets of Muslim majority countries, but not specifically in the Islamic bank market. This study fills this literature gap by comprehensively examining herding in Islamic bank equity markets under various market conditions (up/down, high/low trading and high/low volatility) and during events, such as OPEC meeting days, Ramadan, the GCC crisis of 2017 and the COVID-19 pandemic.

This paper aims to investigate the dynamic linkage between stock prices and exchange rate changes for the Gulf Arab countries (Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates [UAE]).

The author uses the Markov-switching autoregression to detect regime-shift behavior in the stock returns of the Gulf Arab countries and Markov-switching vector autoregressive (MS-VAR) model to capture the dynamic interrelatedness between exchange and stock returns over the period 2000–2018.

This study’s analysis finds evidence to support the persistence of two distinct regimes for all markets, namely, a low-volatility regime and a high-volatility regime. The low-volatility regime illustrates more persistence than the high-volatility regime. Specifically, exchange rate changes do not have an influence on the stock market returns of the Gulf Arab countries, regardless of the regimes. On the other hand, stock market returns have a substantial impact on exchange markets for all countries, except Saudi Arabia, and it is more noticeable during the regime of high volatility.

The findings shed light on the interconnectedness between two of the most important financial markets in the complex international financial environment. They are thus of particular interest for economic policymakers and portfolio investors.

The author distinguishes this study from previous studies in several ways. First, while previous empirical studies of the dynamic linkage between stock prices and foreign exchange markets are primarily devoted to developed markets or emerging markets, this study’s interest is concentrated on four Gulf Arab financial markets (Kuwait, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and UAE). Second, unlike most investigations in the literature that only estimate this link for the whole period, this study attempts to estimate during the good and bad period by using a two-regime MS-VAR model. To the best of the author’s knowledge, this is the first study of the Gulf Arab countries on the stock and foreign exchange markets to apply this model.

Purpose – When organisations behave irresponsibly, a question remains: Can they use a messaging strategy based in the organisation's commitment social responsibility to effectively respond to the crisis? The purpose of this chapter is to analyse stakeholder attitudes and their antecedents in such a case. Because of its scope, magnitude and use of a response strategy based on messages of social responsibility, the 2010 BP oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico serves as an excellent case for measuring the effectiveness of such a messaging strategy.

Methodology/approach – The present study drew from two data sources: a content analysis of interactions on BP's Facebook page (N=1,515) as well as an image survey of BP (N=749).

Findings – BP's messaging strategy had limited positive effects in terms of (1) being viewed as a ‘socially responsible’ organisation and (2) creating significant good will towards the company. However, these data also reveal that BP has effectively opened lines of communication between stakeholders and the company.

Practical and social implications – This study has two central implications. First, for both organisations and activists, personal investment and the relevance of issues are both critical in order to change stakeholder attitudes about organisations. Second, based on this research, we can begin to develop stakeholder profiles based on age, sex and political identity.

Originality/value – In the last couple of years, considerable attention has been paid to describing and analysing the response strategies that organisations deploy; however, scant attention has been paid to measuring stakeholder evaluations of those crisis response strategies.

With the explosion of the Deepwater Horizon oil well in the Gulf of Mexico on April 20, 2010 and until the well was officially “killed” on September 19, 2010, British Petroleum (BP) did not merely experience a crisis but a five‐month marathon of sustained, multi‐media engagement. Whereas traditional public relations theory teaches us that an organization should synchronize its messages across channels, there are no models to understand how an organization may strategically coordinate public relations messaging across traditional and social media platforms. This is especially important in the new media environment where social media (e.g. Facebook and Twitter) are increasingly being used in concert with traditional public relations tools (e.g. press releases) as a part of an organization's stakeholder engagement strategy. This paper seeks to address these issues.

The present study is a content analysis examining all of BP's press releases (N=126), its Facebook posts (N=1,789), and its Twitter tweets (N=2,730) during the 2010 Gulf crisis (May 20, 2010 through September 20, 2010).

Results demonstrate BP used a synchronized approach with press releases serving as the hub for their multi‐media strategy.

This paper identifies a synchronized approach for crisis communication in response to organizational transgressions.

On 1 April 1978, the Israeli peace movement burst into world consciousness when an estimated 25,000 Israelis demonstrated in Tel Aviv to urge the administration of Prime Minister Menachem Begin to continue peace negotiations with Egypt. A grassroots group called Peace Now is credited with organizing and leading that demonstration. Today, the “peace camp” refers to left‐wing political parties and organizations that hold dovish positions on the Arab‐Israeli conflict and the Palestinian issue. While some figures in the Labor Party view themselves as the peace movement's natural leader, political parties further to the left like the Citizens Rights Movement (CRM) and Mapam are more dovish. In the last 10 years, many grassroots peace organizations have, like Peace Now, formed outside the political party system, with the goal of influencing public opinion and eventually having an impact on policy makers. Peace Now is still the largest, most visible and influential of those organizations.

This paper aims to scrutinize and analyze the continuity and change in US foreign policy toward the Gulf region, with a comparison between the George W. Bush and Barack Obama administrations. Also, it explores the nature of the changes in US foreign policy toward the Gulf region to explain the factors that lead to change and when this change occurs. Policymakers were one of the most important factors that led to the occurrence of change in US policy. Therefore, the study also focuses on decision-makers as an engine of change in foreign policy. In this vein, the study seeks to answer the following question: what is the extent of continuity and change in US foreign policy toward the Gulf region under both Bush and Obama administrations?

The study seeks to answer its research question by using the rational choice approach. This approach explains that foreign policy does not change because of change of leadership. Therefore, this approach is suitable to study the research question.

The study reached several points of results, the most important of which are as follows: there is continuity within US foreign policy toward the Gulf countries under the two Bush and Obama administrations. Despite the difference of mechanisms of implementing this foreign policy under both administrations, the objectives of the US foreign policy are still constant and continuous. For example, although the events of September led to the occurrence of tensions between the USA and the Gulf region, the repercussions of the events of September were ostensible where the effects were confined to a change in tactical objectives. Also, successive American administrations have recognized the USA’s enduring and salient interests in the Gulf region.

The region is important as a source of US energy supplies as a strategic military base of operations and also as a site of US foreign policy influence through relationship with individual nations such as Saudi Arabia and the smaller states of the Gulf Cooperation Council.

This paper adds to the existing literature which charts the effects of US foreign policy on the Gulf region.