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In this article, the impact displacement due to war conditions has on children and their families will be explored with particular focus on Syrian children and families. It is observed that during local, regional and/or global wars, those who suffer most are the non-combatant civilians, particularly families and children. This phenomenon was observed in 2010 when protests against the economic situation triggered the Arab Revolt. These revolts commenced in Tunisia, eventually spreading to other parts of the Middle East. In the midst of these events the Syrian issue acquired great importance. The demonstrations which began in 2011, aiming at Başşar Al-Asad's resignation from his post in Syria, started as an internal war. However, they eventually led to the involvement of other regional and trans-regional actors, turning into a crisis. The unrest now continues as a low-profile crisis. As in previous wars, civilians, especially families with children, have been the main victims in Syria. The intense fighting and increasing terrorist activities forced most non-combatant Syrian civilians and families with children to flee their country. Most opted to immigrate to safer countries, particularly Turkey and in Europe, searching for better living conditions. This article highlights the bad experiences Syrians had when they immigrated. Existing Turkish and European policies might be amongst various factors which trigger immigrants' bad experiences. They require closer observation so one can better understand the processes in action. Against this backdrop, this paper examines how Syrian children have been affected by the internal war in their country, which has been ongoing since 2011, and how Turkey treats Syrian children as part of its humanitarian-oriented immigration policy.

While most West European nations were formed around pre-existing entities that could be called “countries” before the modern age, this was not the case in the Middle East. Some entities, like Egypt, did have a clear political and cultural identity before colonialism, others, like Algeria, did not. This chapter discusses the four states of the Maghreb: Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and Libya, through the perspective of “country creation” going into and coming out of colonial rule. We can see here two “models” of fairly similar types of historical development, one showing a gradual process through a protectorate period to relatively stable modern nations, another through violent conquest and direct colonization ending in violent liberation and military and wealthy but fragile states. The article asks whether these models for the history of country creation and the presence or absence of pre-colonial identities can help explain the modern history and nature of these states in the Arab Spring and the years thereafter. Then, a more tentative attempt is made to apply these models to two countries of the Arab east, Syria and Iraq. While local variations ensure that no model can be transferred directly, it can show the importance of studying the historical factors that go into the transition from geographical region to a country with people that can form the basis of a nation.

One of the serious crises faced chiefly by the developing countries is the large influx of people from neighbouring poor and less developed countries as a result of civil wars, political and social turbulence, to name some. Following UNHCR's latest available publication of data on refugees (2016), this chapter attempts to highlight the world's major refugee producing countries, inherent causes of such generation and destination of the emigrants on one hand and the scenario of world's major refugee hosting countries, refugees from countries received by them and their present condition, on the other. Disaggregation of data is done in each case to provide further insightful analysis.

Refugee can refer to movements of large groups of displaced people, who could be either internally displaced persons or other migrants. According to UN High Commissioner Report for refugees (2017), 65.6 million people were forcibly displaced worldwide because of persecution, conflict, violence or human rights violation alone. Now we are witnessing a massive shift of humanity unlike any seen before. A huge population around the world, which is equivalent to the entire population of the UK, is displaced from their homes. More than 23 million of them are from five places: Syria, Afghanistan, South Sudan, the Lake Chad Basin and Somalia. And the astonishing figures are 11.5 million people in five years between 2011 and 2016 in Syria, 4 million displaced from 2013 in South Sudan, 3.8 million in Afghanistan, 2.3 million in Africa's Lake Chad basin and 1.6 million in Somalia. All of the above have the reasons either being unemployment, insecurity and political instability or civil war or droughtlike phenomena, all of which can be summarized as economic crisis. Most of the time, we do our research on the subject about the wake of the crisis, but nobody do the prefacing matter analysis. This chapter is mainly based on the secondary data of the World Bank and the UNHCR and various governments' official data. In this chapter, we are trying to identify the major parameters responsible for refugee generation and also we are analyzing the cause of these phenomena, whereas no research has been done yet about the era prefacing that crisis.

Turkey hosts around three million Syrian refugees and asylum-seekers, more than any other country in the world. Most of the Syrian refugees and asylum-seekers face poverty-related barriers to education, with parents unable to legally work or meet associated costs, or feeling they have no option but to send their children to work rather than school. According to a UNICEF report (January, 2017), even though there is a 50% increase in school attendance for Syrian refugee children in Turkey since June 2016, more than 40% of them (around 390,000) are still not receiving an education. One of the biggest challenges for the Syrian refugee children who are able to go to school in Turkey is the language barrier. The language of instruction in Turkish public schools is Turkish while majority of the Syrian refugee children grew up learning and speaking Arabic. Furthermore, the refugee children often encounter experiences of discrimination, exclusion and marginalization from the non-refugee peers and teachers who cannot recognize and meet the diverse needs of these children with their lack of teaching experience in the culturally diverse classrooms. This narrative research examines the lived experiences of Syrian refugee children attending a Temporary Education Centre (TEC) in a city located in the north-west of Turkey. Narrative research is a way of inquiring into individual and social dimensions of experience over time through storytelling. It is often employed to illuminate the experiences of marginalized or excluded individuals and communities. Given the influx of refugee children in TECs and schools in Turkey, it is important to provide an in-depth understanding of the refugee children’s lived reality in schools and centres particularly, the factors contributing to their academic success, resilience and psychological well-being, so that future studies will have a basis for further investigations of newcomers.

Recent refugee integration policy agendas include education on the lists, despite many other issues to address. Higher education can also be an instrument to prevent a generation of a war-stricken nation from becoming “lost” for not only for Syria but also Europe. Following the drastic inflow of (mostly young) refugees, Belgian higher education institutions started to work on fresh strategies and initiatives to embrace refugees in their university and colleges. Yet, the number of Syrian refugees at the Belgian universities does not exceed 400, while the estimated eligible young people are above 1,500. In order to increase the participation in higher education, national authorities and higher education institutions should re-work on flexible but efficient procedures for the recognition of degrees and prior gained qualifications. Moreover, all individual efforts by the colleges and the universities can be empowered by a collaborative network among all Belgian higher education institutes, governmental offices and the non-governmental organizations. Surmounting the lack of central coordination and developing a national action plan is needed. Short-term actions are immediately required to battle against the contemporary challenges with tertiary education access of the refugees; however, the need for actions that aim at long-reaching sustainability is eminent to secure refugees’ integration into their host communities.

Satellite images can be a powerful source of data for analyses of conflict dynamics and social movements, but sociology has been slow to develop methods and metadata standards for transforming those images into data. We ask: How can satellite images become useful data? What are the key methodological and ethical considerations for incorporating high-resolution satellite images into conflict research? Why are metadata important in this work? We begin with a review of recent developments in satellite-based social scientific work on conflict, then discuss the technical and epistemological issues raised by machine processing of satellite information into user-ready images. We argue that high-resolution images can be useful analytical tools provided they are used with full awareness of their ethical and technical parameters. To support our analysis, we draw on two novel studies of satellite data research practices during the Syrian war. We conclude with a discussion of specific methodological procedures tried and tested in our ongoing work.