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1 – 10 of over 1000Lucy Betts, Rachel Harding, Sheine Peart, Catarina Sjolin Knight, David Wright and Kendall Newbold
Research examining young people’s experiences of harassment has tended to focus on the school and digital environment. Despite street harassment being identified as a common…
Abstract
Purpose
Research examining young people’s experiences of harassment has tended to focus on the school and digital environment. Despite street harassment being identified as a common experience for adult women, very few studies have explored adolescents’ experiences of street harassment. The paper aims to discuss this issue.
Design/methodology/approach
A person-centred analytical approach, based on experienced reporting, was used to create a typology of street harassment. The reports of street harassment were received from 118 (68 female, 43 male, no gender reported in 7) 11-15-year olds over a 6-8 week period.
Findings
Cluster analysis revealed four distinct groups: “predominately verbal”, “non-verbal/non-direct”, “other incident”, and “all forms”. Young women and those in the “all forms” group reported experiencing greater negative emotions following the episode of street harassment. Young men were equally as likely as young women to report experiencing street harassment.
Originality/value
The findings uniquely highlight that adolescents experience distinct types of street harassment, some of which are associated with negative emotions.
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Georgina Thornton, Dominic Willmott, Emma Richardson and Lara Hudspith
Many women report experiences of street harassment during their lifetime. Previous quantitative survey research has shown the variety of ways in which this type of harassment can…
Abstract
Purpose
Many women report experiences of street harassment during their lifetime. Previous quantitative survey research has shown the variety of ways in which this type of harassment can impact upon a victim’s life, including restricting their freedom of movement and fear of further victimisation. The purpose of this study is understand the immediate and enduring psychological impact of street harassment on female victim-survivors.
Design/methodology/approach
The present study aims to explore, qualitatively, women’s experiences of street harassment through thematic analysis of on 35 online blog posts. Data were collected from the “Stop Street Harassment” website, where women are invited to share their experiences anonymously.
Findings
Three main themes were generated from the data. First was the age at which women began to experience street harassment, with recurring early incidents during formative childhood years. Second was the impact that experiences had on their mental health and psychological well-being with feelings of shame, fear, self-loathing, as well as decreased self-esteem and confidence experienced in the immediate aftermath – though the longer-term negative emotions reported were enduring feelings of anger alongside a constant state of anxiety from feelings of vulnerability to further victimisation. The final theme was the modification of behaviour after experiencing street harassment where women choose to avoid walking alone on the streets or consciously changed their clothing choices, to avoid being harassed.
Originality/value
This study offers a further qualitative insight into the real-life experience and psychological consequences of street harassment upon survivors’ mental health.
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Against the background of the biggest arts festival in the world, there have been some shocking findings recently about the treatment of performers and other workers at the…
Abstract
Purpose
Against the background of the biggest arts festival in the world, there have been some shocking findings recently about the treatment of performers and other workers at the Fringe. The purpose of this paper is to consider the type of treatment a significant number of Fringe workers experience and how it might be dealt with under the law. The mistreatment of workers includes being: required to work excessively long hours, paid low wages or no wages, subject to sexual or street harassment, lookism, ageism or deprivation of other employment rights. What is unusual about Fringe workers is they normally only work for a short time (often a maximum of two months). Also, in respect of performers and other theatre workers, they might be inclined to work on a voluntary, unpaid basis to gain the necessary experience to kickstart their careers. Employers will often be theatrical promoters in charge of productions at a number of venues. This paper highlights the issues surrounding working at the Fringe and identifies the employment law issues for its workers. This involves identifying likely breaches of legislation under the civil law and contract law by employers. Also, the consideration of how the criminal law could apply to the treatment of workers is undertaken. Finally, it involves an analysis of how the rights of Fringe workers could be better protected. The findings and recommendations in this paper will have application to any situation where someone is employed as a volunteer or worker in an artistic setting on a short-term basis.
Design/methodology/approach
This paper is a review of sources drawn from articles in law journals, newspapers, etc.
Findings
The findings of this paper suggest that there is a need for reform of the law.
Research limitations/implications
This paper focuses on improving the rights of Fringe workers who have a history of being neglected or abused.
Practical implications
This paper ensures improved rights for Fringe workers.
Social implications
This paper analyses issues that are relevant for all workers in the arts at festivals, etc., throughout the UK.
Originality/value
This paper is extremely original.
Congress has spilled a good deal of ink in an attempt to support survivors of sexual assault and to prevent sexual violence from occuring. Legislation has been passed to address…
Abstract
Congress has spilled a good deal of ink in an attempt to support survivors of sexual assault and to prevent sexual violence from occuring. Legislation has been passed to address and prevent sexual assault in the military environment, higher education, and even within various government agencies. However, Congress has had a long and sordid history of burying incidents of sexual assault within its own halls. Prior to the #Metoo movement, Congress had a rather lackluster bill that provided minimal protection for those who were harassed or assaulted by a member of Congress and rarely held anyone accused accountable for their actions. In fact, the original Congressional Accountability Act included a fund that was used to pay off those who came forward with allegations of sexual harassment or assault against a member of Congress. This chapter follows the legislative history of Congress with regard to the response to and prevention of sexual assault and its shocking lack of oversight of its own members who were frequently committing the same assaults that they were legislating against in other areas. The chapter also highlights the brave work of survivors of assault during their time in Congress, and the work of the #MeTooCongress movement, including current members of Congress, who helped to bring more accountability to Congress as a result of their efforts.
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Lyndsay M.C. Hayhurst, Holly Thorpe and Megan Chawansky
Aminuddin Haji Marzuki and Sharifah Nurul Huda Alkaff
The current study investigates perceptions of street harassment from a linguistic perspective. With regard to the theory of speech acts, some may deem street remarks as…
Abstract
Purpose
The current study investigates perceptions of street harassment from a linguistic perspective. With regard to the theory of speech acts, some may deem street remarks as compliments instead of catcalls. There is a lack of linguistic research regarding the issue conducted with a Bruneian demographic. This study recognises the difference in the use of language by men and women and aims to find whether there is a difference in their perceptions of street remarks.
Design/methodology/approach
A method of triangulation between questionnaire surveys and focus group interviews was carried out to actualise these aims. Thirty-two female and thirty-two male respondents from the survey were used to conclude quantitative findings, whereas three male and three female participants were recruited for the focus group interview. Data were analysed through a t-test and discourse analysis consecutively.
Findings
Quantitative data (p = 0.398) reveal that both men and women perceive street remarks almost equally as a form of street harassment. However, qualitative data reveal that male language and behaviour portray a more positive and tolerant attitude.
Practical implications
This study provides evidence of the difference in perceptions between men and women towards street harassment.
Originality/value
This study explores a relatively unexplored area, that is investigating street remarks in a non-Western context, where the demographic could have different perceptions towards street remarks.
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