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In a departure from the efficiency theory assumptions implicit in most supply chain risk management (SCRM) literature, this study aims to explore the role that external neo-institutional pressures play in shaping the risk management strategies deployed to mitigate transaction cost risks in construction supply chains (CSC).

A theory-elaborating case study is used to investigate how regulatory, normative and mimetic neo-institutional pressures underpin SCRM strategies in state-led and private-led CSC in China.

The study finds that institutionalized Confucianist networks serve as proxies for regulatory accountability and thereby create a form of dysmorphia in the regulatory, normative and mimetic drivers of SCRM strategies in state-led and private-led CSC in China.

The findings reveal that relational costs such as bargaining, transfer and monitoring costs underpin SCRM in state-led CSC. Behavioral costs associated with search, screening and enforcement are the core drivers of SCRM in private-led CSC. These differences in transaction cost drivers of SCRM arise from the risk-buffering effect of personalized Guanxi networks, creating variants of institutional pressures on actors' risk analysis, identification and treatment strategies in China. Considering China's global hegemony in construction and related industries, this study provides valuable insights for practitioners and researchers on the need for a constrained efficiency view of SCRM in global CSC.

A climate of austerity has gripped the politico-economic philosophy of many nation states across Europe and beyond as governments seek to rebalance budget deficits. This presents unique challenges for those engaged in purposeful acts aiming to regenerate communities of places – the regeneration managers.

England provides an interesting case study to examine some of the prime challenges facing regeneration managers by focusing on the ideologies that have informed successive UK governments’ policy responses and spatial strategies. The main body of research, including interviews, was carried out between 2010 and 2012, and was subsequently updated in early 2013.

Tracing an apparent transmutation of urban regeneration policy, the chapter helps to unmask a spatially unjust neoliberal toolkit, albeit pierced by some socially motivated actually existing regeneration initiatives. The transmutation of regeneration that has taken place is often concealed by de facto austerity measures and austerity politics.

The programme of interviews remains ongoing, as the research continues to track the shifting contours of state-led regeneration policy. Analysis is therefore provisional and explorative, with more detailed research reports and publications subject to follow.

The chapter explores emerging new agendas and sets out to identify some of the primary challenges that regeneration managers must face.

‘Regeneration’ as a state-led policy objective and political concern has been virtually expunged from the Coalition lexicon. The present policy preference is to target public resources in ‘value-added’ schemes that favour private oriented objectives in a highly unbalanced way.

The curtailment of broader regeneration debates has framed discussions limited to the depth of cuts, the speed of implementation and the spatial distribution of such measures. The result is that regeneration, understood as a capitalist policy instrument intended to respond to and assuage the outcomes produced by capitalist frameworks, is no more.

This work aims to identify the characteristics of the coproduction of the common good, or public services, from the models of public administration found in projects awarded by the United Nations, specifically in the 2014 United Nations Public Service Award (UNPSA) category of “encouraging participation in public policy decisions through innovative mechanisms.” This multicase documentary analysis uses a typology of coproduction adapted from Salm and Menegasso (2010), which integrates several typologies of public participation. The revised typology includes five models of coproduction – community-led coproduction, state-led coproduction, self-interested coproduction, symbolic coproduction, and manipulative coproduction. The typology is used in the analysis of two United Nations award-winning projects in 2014: a community participation project for the effective management of malaria at Tha Song Yang in Thailand and the Intercouncil Forum in Brazil. This first case displays a preponderance of the self-interested coproduction ideal type, due to its focus on efficiency and delivery effectiveness of the service. The second case displays a preponderance of the symbolic coproduction ideal type due to its use of consultation practices to give the impression that there is direct participation in the decision-making, without substantive effect on the outcomes. Based on this analysis, recommendations are made for revising the criteria used by the UNPSA to ensure that projects with similar participation to those in the state-led and community-led coproduction models are awarded in the future.

This paper explores the relationship between state-led urbanization and primary industry development using the difference-in-differences (DiD) method.

The study uses the DiD method.

Exploiting county-city mergers during 2010–2018, the key strategy to expand the city outward and promote urbanization on the urban fringe by local government, the authors find that county-city mergers led to the growth of primary industry decline by 4.23%. The result can be explained by the loss of essential production factors, including land and labor used for farming. In addition, the negative effect is more pronounced for counties with more substantial manufacturing. The results indicate that urbanization in China relocates land and labor; however, it does not improve the efficiency of agricultural output.

This paper contributes to the understanding of urbanization and rural development from the perspective of the primary industry by showing production factor redistribution. Second, this study complements the literature on local government mergers.

The paper aims to highlight differences in bank performance based on state politics during the onset of the Covid pandemic. The response to Covid pandemic created an unusual opportunity for an investigation of how politics impacts banking due to the initial response to the pandemic being heavily impacted by political affiliation states' governors and dominant parties in state legislatures. Previous research looked at impact of elections on the federal level (both executive and legislative branches) on bank risk and performance. The response to the Covid pandemic in 2020 allows for an investigation on how political influence on the state level impacted banks performance.

The Covid pandemic was an unexpected storm that entered the United States with a vengeance in 2020, taking countless lives and ravaging the economic landscape. The response to the pandemic quickly took a political spin as republican governors showed greater reluctance to shutter business activity in hopes of slowing down the spread of the virus than their democratic counterparts. This paper examines the impact of the two Americas created along the lines of political influence as it impacted bank performance over four-quarters beginning with the fourth quarter of 2019. All US banks are split into groups based on the political affiliation of state governors and the dominant party in state legislatures to measure impact of politics on bank performance and risk.

This research finds that banks operating in states with republican governors produced greater profits and exhibited higher liquidity levels. The same results held for banks in states where both the governorship and the legislature were controlled by republicans versus banks in states where both the governor and the legislature were democratic. Interestingly, the findings present a reversal when examining banks in states led by republican governors and democratic legislatures versus banks in states with democratic governors and republican legislatures. In those instances of mixed leadership, banks in states with democratic governors tend to show greater profits, greater liquidity while demonstrating lower asset quality.

A paper published in Managerial Finance in 2018 discussed the impact of the parties in control of the White house and the legislative branch on bank performance and risk. There have been no studies, to the author’s knowledge, that look at how states' political leadership (gubernatorial and legislative) impact on bank performance. Because the response to the Covid pandemic became a politically polarized issue, the onset of the crisis allowed for measurement of how different responses by republican and democratic state leadership impacted bank performance and risk.

This study investigates whether and how place-based industrial relocation policy affects firm innovation.

By exploiting the establishment of China's National Industrial Relocation Demonstration Zones (NIRDZs) as a quasi-natural experiment in a difference-in-differences design, the authors examine the externalities of industrial policies that support sustainable development and growth from the perspectives of firms' patenting activities.

The study consistently finds that the NIRDZs policy significantly boosts local firm innovation, translating into a 60.46% increase in the patent applications of treated firms. The estimation results remain robust to a series of alternative specifications. Moreover, heterogeneity analysis suggests that the firms that benefited most were state-owned enterprises, firms with higher productivity, or firms in non-high-tech industries. Further, the authors find that the NIRDZs policy stimulates firm innovation mainly in the form of utility model patents, followed by designs and invention patents.

The results provide suggestions and implications for policymakers to improve the efficiency of state-led industrial policies and avoid “government failure” in policy implementation.

This study provides suggestions and implications for policymakers to improve the efficiency of state-led industrial policies and avoid “government failure” in the policy implementation.

This study fills the research gap by exploiting quasi-experiments to assess the effectiveness of state-led industrial policies for emerging economies. (2) The analysis sheds empirical light on how corporate innovation is motivated and financed by selective and functional industrial policies. (3) Theoretically, the results rationalize why state-led industrial relocation fuel innovation capabilities of localities from Marshall externalities and competition crowding-out effects.

The purpose of this study is to determine the impact of community-based and driven approaches during the lockdowns and early periods of the pandemic. The study examines the impact and perceptions of the state-led intervention. This would help to discover a better approach for postpandemic interventions and policy responses.

This article used the inductive method and gathered its data from surveys. In search of global opinions on COVID-19 responses received in communities, two countries in each continent with high COVID-19 infection per 100,000 during the peak period were chosen for study. In total, 13 community workers, leaders and members per continent were sampled. The simple percentile method was chosen for analysis. The simple interpretation was used to discuss the results.

The study showed that poor publicity of community-based interventions affected awareness and fame as most were mistaken for government interventions. The study found that most respondents preferred state interventions but preferred many communities or local assessments of projects and interventions while the projects were ongoing to adjust the project and intervention as they progressed. However, many preferred community-based and driven interventions.

State secrecy and perceived opposition oppression limited data sourcing for this study in countries where state interventions are performed in secret and oppression of perceived opposition voices limited data collection in some countries. Thus, last-minute changes were made to gather data from countries on the same continent. An intercontinental study requires data from more countries, which would require more time and resources. This study was affected by access to locals in remote areas where raw data would have benefited the study.

The absence of data from the two most populous countries due to government censorship limits access to over a third of the global population, as they make up 2.8 out of 7 billion.

The choice of two countries in each continent is representational enough, yet the absence of data from the two most populous countries creates a social identity gap.

The survey collected unique and genuine data and presents novel results. Thus, this study provides an important contribution to the literature on the subject. There is a need for maximum support for community-based interventions and projects as well as global data collection on community-based or driven interventions and projects.

This paper seeks to identify policy and regulatory bottlenecks that need to be overcome in order to stimulate private sector investment in backbone networks in selected African countries (Côte d'Ivoire, Ethiopia, Kenya, South Africa and Uganda).

It does so by exploring policy and regulatory frameworks and market structures that influence investment decisions on backbone infrastructure roll‐out; it investigates models and strategies adopted by the public sector to finance national backbone infrastructure; and it provides recommendations on how to stimulate private investment in backbone roll‐out by creating an enabling policy and regulatory environment.

Research findings show that the telecommunications sector in the selected African countries has witnessed the return of state‐led investment in the roll‐out of fibre backbones. The rationale for state‐led intervention has often been cited as market failure regarding investment in broadband backbone roll‐out. However, many of the policy and regulatory barriers to market entry remain, including protectionist legislation, which has limited private sector participation in investing in backbone.

The reality is that African governments are maintaining control over national backbones and, in some markets where the telecommunications infrastructure sector has been liberalised, the state‐owned operators may enter into direct competition with the private sector or may delay delivery by the private sector.

The value of the paper is that it provides evidence on how to improve the roll‐out and extension of national broadband backbone networks through the development of a policy and regulatory framework which facilitates private sector investment in this sector. The paper also makes recommendations to governments for the facilitation of private investment in backbone networks through the development of an enabling policy and regulatory environment.

The purpose of this paper is to discuss Malaysia's industrial development since achieving its independence in 1957 to 2007. The industrial development in Malaysia has gradually shifted from mere trading type of activities to technology based entrepreneurial activities.

The transformation of Malaysia's industrial development from entrepreneurship to technology entrepreneurship is studied by applying the World Bank framework introduced by Bessant et al. The improvised framework has eight key dimensions that are developed as the key activities of technology entrepreneurship to assess the presence of technology entrepreneurship activity during the study period.

The initiation of the government's heavy industrialization drive in the 1980s had given rise to the growth of the manufacturing sector, and consequently, the implementation of public policies and government programmes in the 1990s have led to the shift of the economy from labor intensive manufacturing to high technology with higher value added activities. The findings thus indicate that the government's effort and support through the implementation of different policies and various state‐led programmes have basically driven Malaysia's entrepreneurial activities to be technology oriented.

As for the limitation, it is represented by the difficulties in identifying the key technology entrepreneurship activities and using them to analyze the entrepreneurship development at the macro level. Having analyzed at the macro level, this study hopes to contribute to the policy makers in drafting the government policies strategically so as to foster the growth of technology entrepreneurship in Malaysia generally, and to develop capabilities in particular industrial sectors.

The paper provides an overview of the industrial development in Malaysia as a background to the discussion on the transformation to technology entrepreneurship development.

The Malaysian Employees’ Provident Fund (EPF) was created as a mandatory national saving plan in 1951 and has grown consistently. Following two decades of state‐led economic development, substantially funded through EPF contributions, the Malaysian Government is now ostensibly seeking to reduce state intervention in the economy in order to encourage liberalization and thereby engender further economic growth. Tracing the parallel evolution of the EPF and the growth of the Malaysian economy, highlights both the direct role of the EPF in providing soft‐loan capital for state‐sponsored development projects and the indirect role of the fund in underpinning politically effective, but not concomitantly economically efficient, strategies for ethnically rebalancing the economy. Accordingly, in direct contradiction to recent World Bank analyses, concludes that the continuing Malaysian commitment to a publicly managed national provident fund (NPF) is based on both efficiency criteria (in relation to the EPF itself) and effectiveness criteria (in relation to state‐determined investment strategies). Although the success of Malaysian economic development policies inevitably involves a restructuring of the operations and management of the EPF itself, the continuity in the Malaysian commitment to its NPF complements and underpins similar continuities in the active role of the Malaysian state, even in an era of privatization.