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The extant literature underlines the inadequacies of legal and policy frameworks addressing the safety and health concerns of sandstone mineworkers in India. Notably, Rajasthan, a state renowned for its extractive industries, mirrors these concerns. Against this backdrop, this paper aims to critically evaluate the relevant legal and policy landscape, with an emphasis on the recent central statute: the Occupational Safety, Health and Working Conditions Code of 2020 (OSHWCC). Given that the Code subsumes the key legislation pertaining to the safety and health of mineworkers, an in-depth critical analysis is essential to forge suitable policy interventions to address continued gross violations of human rights.

The critical analysis of legal and policy frameworks on silicosis in sandstone mineworkers is based on a comprehensive reading of existing literature. The literature includes relevant laws, case law, reports of the Rajasthan State Human Rights Commission and National Human Rights Commission, publicly available data and key scholarly contributions in the field.

Although the OSHWCC has made some changes to the existing regulatory architecture of mines in India, it has failed to safeguard the safety and health of mineworkers. Notably, the vast majority of mines in India – constituting approximately 90%, which are informal, seasonal and small-scale – remain beyond the jurisdiction of this Code. In Rajasthan, there are specific policies on silicosis, but these policies are poorly implemented. There is a serious shortage of doctors to diagnose silicosis cases, leading to under-diagnosis. The compensation for silicosis victims is insufficient; the distribution mechanism is complex and often delayed.

The central and many state governments have not established the regulatory institutions envisaged under the OSHWCC 2020; therefore, the working of the regulatory institutions could not be critically examined.

The paper critically evaluates laws and policies pertaining to silicosis in sandstone mineworkers, with a special emphasis on the state of Rajasthan. It offers a comprehensive critique of the OSHWCC of 2020, which has not received much attention from previous studies.

The Rajapaksa regime over the 2005–2022 period promoted a national-popular project based on a militarised Sinhala-Buddhist nationalism promoting a market-driven rentier economy. It illustrated a form of patrimonial capitalism undermining public accountability and the efficacy of the state bureaucracy. This popular-national project was dependent on strengthening ties with China while distancing relations with India and the Global North (USA and the EU). The ways in which the external relations were coordinated reinforced discrimination against Tamil and Muslim communities, while disregarding their demands for justice and reparations. The increasing integration of the economy with financial markets, driven by the Central Bank, amplified the commercialisation of the state, restraining public revenues and state oversight. Meanwhile, the militarisation of the state involved the commercialisation of the military, opaque military budgets and violent repression of protests. The Rajapaksa regime, which enabled a minority-privileged (leisure) class to culturally flourish in regulated safe spaces, also instigated multiple protests from below demanding democracy as well as justice.

Democratic renewal in Sri Lanka as well as a cross the Global South depends on strengthening democratic social movements within varieties of patrimonial capitalism. Patrimonial capitalism, emphasising patron–client relations, coincide with weakening democratic institutional cultures and practices. The dominant corruption/anti-corruption narrative is bracketed with elite class strategies aimed at negotiating a ‘managed corruption’. The realm of representative politics creating consent for patrimonial capitalism is shaped by: ethnic and class relations; the weakening of working-class parties; patriarchal cultures within parties; links with criminal networks; opaque finances and the integration of mainstream media with party patronage.

Democratising the realm of representative politics points towards democratic social movements. The internal dynamics of social movements, their relationships with political parties and collective learning are significant factors that shapes the strategic orientation of social movements. State repression of social movements highlights the need for demilitarisation and the abolition of prisons. The global sense of this local struggle relates to transforming financial markets and platform economies towards notions of financial and digital commons. The integration of different realms of politics, such as representative, movement, life and emancipatory politics, is vital for reinforcing solidarity as the basis for counter-hegemonic struggles.

This study aims to examine the role of trust in management and state government in mitigating the relationships between individual- and state-level stressors and well-being during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Data were collected from a US sample still working during the first wave of infections (N = 437) and was supplemented with objective state-level data. Data were analyzed using hierarchical regression modeling with the PROC MIXED procedure with SAS software to incorporate both individual- and state-level variables.

Results indicated that individual-level stressors (work and family role overload) were positively associated with stress; however, the relationship between family role overload and stress was mitigated among those with high trust in state government. Results indicated that state-level stressors (infection rates and population density) were not associated with stress; however, the relationship between state population density and stress was positive among those with low trust in management and negative among those with high trust in management.

This study highlights the need for organization and government leaders to build trust before and during crisis situations, as well as engage in a collaborative approach to managing stressors in crisis situations.

This study highlights the importance of expanding the focus of employee trust across organizational boundaries for understanding employee well-being during a crisis situation. This study also demonstrates the cross-over effects of trust, such that organization leaders can protect workers from community stressors, while government leaders can protect workers from family stressors.

This conversation presents the reflections from six international disaster scholars on how disaster capitalism manifested in very different ways in different countries, including Japan, Chile, Brazil, Colombia, India and South Africa, during the COVID-19 pandemic. The purpose of this paper is to address this issue.

This paper is based on the conversations that took place on Disasters: Deconstructed Podcast livestream on the September 15, 2020.

The prominent themes in this conversation include profiteering, oppression and the politics of disasters.

The conversation contributes to the ongoing discussions around disaster capitalism and disaster risk creation.

This study examines a variety of personal and workplace topics to uncover why Asians are still underrepresented in US policing, despite a 114% growth in the Asian American population during the past 30 years.

Survey responses are collected from Asian police officers (N = 70) to capture their characteristics and lived experiences.

This study found 11 themes that may account for the underrepresentation of Asian Americans in US policing.

The small sample size represents those respondents from only four US states, limiting the sampling frame and generalizability.

This study offers targeted recruitment strategies for improving Asian representation in US policing.

Although Asians account for 6% of the US population, very little is still known about the experiences of Asian American police officers, despite working in one of the most visible public institutions in local government.

The study explains why Parliamentarians in the United Kingdom (UK) focused on accountability through data during the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as on how data could be used to improve the government’s response to the pandemic.

Understanding the implications of accountability for COVID-19 is crucial to understanding how governments should respond to future pandemics. This article provides an account of what a select committee in the UK thought were the essential elements of these accountability relationships. To do so, the authors use a neo-Roman concept of liberty to show how Parliamentary oversight of the pandemic for accountability was crucial to maintaining the liberty of citizens during the crisis and to identify what lessons need to be learnt for future crises.

The study shows that Parliamentarians were concerned that the UK government was not meeting its obligations to report openly about the COVID-19 pandemic to them. It shows that the government did make progress in reporting during the pandemic but further advancements need to be made in future for restrictions to be compatible with the protection of liberty.

The study extends the concept of neo-Roman liberty showing how it is relevant in an emergency situation and provides an account of why accountability is necessary for the preservation of liberty when the government uses emergency powers.

Governments and Parliaments need to think about how they preserve liberty during crises through enhanced accountability mechanisms and the publication of data.

The study extends previous work on liberty and calculation, providing a theorisation of the role of numbers in the protection of liberty.

The lack of legal framework on corporate criminal liability (CCL) in Mauritius is a matter of concern with the growing number of corporate crimes. The purpose of the paper is therefore to provide a critical overview of the existing framework on CCL in Mauritius with the aim of underlining its deficiencies and lacunas. As a consequence, an attempt is made to compare the Mauritian model with the French one, so that salient features and characteristics of the French model of CCL can be borrowed into the Mauritian legal framework.

This paper adopts the black-letter approach and the comparative research methodology. The legislative framework of Mauritius on CCL will be compared to the related laws of France with the goal of drawing lessons and inspirations for Mauritius, given that the French model of CCL is well established and highly effective.

The mandatory application of the identification principle in CCL, inspired from the British common law, is a serious impediment towards successful criminal prosecution of companies responsible for criminal offences. In addition, the lack of clear legal provisions on substantive and procedural aspects of CCL is a matter of concern and demonstrates the dire need for legal amendments and action from the legislator as the paper discusses.

To the best of the author’s knowledge, this paper will be among the very first one tackling this area of law from a comparative perspective. The issue of CCL has indeed receive very little academic attention and this paper will help in filling the literature gap on this matter. It will also help future research on the matter for students, academics and corporate law practitioners.