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WHY CONSULT THE CRYSTAL BALL WHEN YOU CAN READ THE BOOK? There is, then, a discernible pattern in the way changes take place in the living‐working relationships in society. I have introduced readers to the THRESHOLD model. We started off by thinking in terms of a simple before‐and‐after situation. Further thought caused us to admit of an interim condition of being on the threshold itself or on the point of crossing it — between the two worlds, as it were. Still finding this inadequate to explain all the observable phenomena, we went on to identify a vestibule state which represents a time‐lag in the sense that the technology has moved on across the threshold into tomorrow's world while the socio‐political structure has not.

The management of international business activities today necessarily includes the market communication of socio-political activity in emerging markets. Critique of market communication of socio-political activity in emerging markets varies from seeing it as something organisations say rather than do to suggesting existing market communication as embracing a simplistic view of communication and socio-political activity in emerging markets. In this chapter, communication and language as social practice is introduced as a possible way to explore market communication and socio-political activity in emerging markets as part of a more complex activity. Various perspectives from philosophical and sociological traditions are used in combination with marketing and management views on and empirical examples of communication and socio-political activity in emerging markets. This chapter illustrates how market communication may be seen as socio-political activity in emerging markets rather than the audit and report of it.

The question under the focus is how an MNC manages the increasing demands for corporate social responsibility when entering and expanding in a market. Based on business network, the study develops a view highlighting the four concepts of learning, commitment, legitimacy and trust for studying of socio-political relationships. The view is employed for analysis of the experiences of a Korean MNC's entry into the Chinese market. The case illustrates that the Korean MNC, Samsung Electronics, has behaved proactively by large commitment in several long- and short-term projects towards the society. Besides the theoretical view, the study contributes new knowledge on how the MNC's activities have enabled the firm to transfer learning, commitment, legitimacy and trust from socio-political relationships to business relationships. Further, it adds new knowledge on how corporate social responsibility plays a critical role in a successful entry, thereby building up a stable market position.

The purpose of this study was twofold. First, the author sought to more fully understand the role of socio-political activity on opportunity recognition among experienced entrepreneurs. Second, the author sought to better understand how socio-political activism, experience, entrepreneurial passion and social entrepreneurial intention are antecedents. Given the importance of entrepreneurship in the developing nations, there must be an understanding of how entrepreneurs recognize opportunities.

This study analyzes how socio-political activism acts as a foundation on which entrepreneurs can recognize opportunity through entrepreneurial passion, experience and intention. The author utilized a survey constructed of a unique combination of existing and well-researched instruments. Entrepreneurs living in Latin America were surveyed through the web-based survey company Prolific(R). Based on an a priori power calculation, the survey was fielded to 305 respondents with a 100% response rate.

The model suggests that socio-political activism increases experience, entrepreneurial passion and social entrepreneurial intention among entrepreneurs in Latin America. Further, the model indicates that entrepreneurial passion and entrepreneurial experience have partial mediation effects on social entrepreneurial opportunity recognition, while social entrepreneurial intention has full mediation effects on social entrepreneurial opportunity recognition.

The findings of this model suggest that socio-political activism in the developing context provides a model that shows how political activism plays a crucial role in numerous entrepreneurial aspects. Being active politically, gives entrepreneurs greater passion, experience and intention which in turn leads to greater opportunity recognition and mediates the relationship between socio-political activism and opportunity recognition.

The model presented in this research is original and helps shape the paradigm within social entrepreneurship in the developing context. The model also provides additional antecedents of opportunity recognition which may assist with shaping future research in the developing context and how the role of political activism assists the field's understanding of how entrepreneurs recognize opportunities.

The evolution of European Union (EU) toward a real political integration cannot omit the importance of building a European civic culture. Generating civic virtues is directly linked to the establishment of associative networks. In this sense, voluntary organizations, as “schools of democracy,” work as one of the main channels and mechanisms, from liberal tradition as well as republican one, to improve the quality of democracies.

Some works have already argued that involvement in voluntary organizations presents positive effects on several elements that shape political culture in a country, by increasing political interest in public affairs, growing individual political efficacy, encouraging people to put in practice a broader socio-political activism, etc. Only by this way, it is possible to create a genuine “European public sphere,” where public debate and independent judgements can exist beyond EU institutions.

From that theoretic framework, this document expounds the connections between socio-political participation in voluntary organizations and some elements of political culture linked to civic skills. The first wave of the European Social Survey (2002–2003) will be used as the main data source for a comparative analysis among more than twenty European countries.

Drawing on Bert Klandermans (2004) hypothesis that instrumentality, identity, and ideology are interacting motivations, which increase the likelihood of participation in social movements, this article examines why individuals joined the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Movement (CRM) during the 1960s. Analyzing data gathered from semi-structured interviews, newspapers, autobiographies, secondary sources, government and movement organizations documents, the empirical analysis indicates that the individuals’ motivations in the process of involvement in social movement activities differ over time. The accounts of former participants generally suggest that instrumentality provided a stronger initial motivation during the very early stage of the CRM. With the development of the movement and changes of the political context, the choice to participate rested – for the mass of individuals who decided to mobilize later in consequence of a “transformative event” – more on identity and ideology. The research underscores the importance of the “timing” of involvement in order to better grasp the causal justification of movement participation over time. Focusing on a deeply divided society, such as Northern Ireland, this research also broadens the comparative range of case studies in the field of collective action and enhances our understanding of how repressive measures by the establishment in relation to contentious politics in deeply divided societies mobilizes further the individual in social movement activities.

Images had long conveyed politics through forms as varied as private paintings and public coins. If images are storytelling vectors (Fusari, 2017), visual artefacts were intended to re/shape human perception of current events and, consequently, their states of ‘being in the world’ (Heidegger, 2001); this is the reason why the visual quality of communication might be hard to disjoin from that of ‘performativity’ (Cartier-Bresson, 2018).

The polysemic (Barthes, 1977), if not fully open (Eco, 1989), quality of visual semiotics complicates identification of any framework of reference and adds to the need for practical and sensible research in digital communication (Fusari, in press).

Since the first US Presidential debate televised in 1968, a new interest surged towards the understanding and production of visual communication of politics. Increasingly so, images (both still and moving ones) have affected, if not thoroughly shaped, understanding of all recent political affairs, particularly so from the 1992's Gulf War onward (Baudrillard, 1995; Kellner, 1992).

The 2012 Invisible Children (IC)'s campaign is here assessed as the milestone marking the potential for global impact acquired by socio-political visual-centred storytelling.

The intertwining of the digital with the visual has yet to be precisely arranged for socio-political storytelling; also, storytelling as a format and approach has increasingly gained relevance, adding new concerns to issues of veracity.

In response, this chapter advances the notion of ‘storyline’ in conjunction with that of ‘storytelling’: the resulting taxonomy aims to review specific notions of truth- and trust-fulness from a visual-centred perspective.

The chapter thus explores the requirements for communicating and understanding visual storytelling on digital media; by doing so, it addresses the extent to which ‘visual storytelling’ might be a notion fit for the job of disseminating today's digital cultures.

Eventually, the chapter will question how to design visually centred communication formats and, in turn, engage these as storytelling of socio-political issues for digital platforms.

Post‐migration hardship often affects the integration processes of migrants from non‐English speaking countries and in particular of migrant women who often come as ‘dependents’ of male migrants. Institutional, social and cultural barriers make integration for migrant women slow and difficult to achieve. Involvement in community self‐help and mutual aid is an important strategy for disadvantaged groups in overcoming hardship and building social networks and capital. Community organisations are a bridge for migrants to access welfare rights and benefits, and to communicate with host local communities. This paper discusses the findings of a small‐scale study on the community activism of Turkish‐speaking women in London. Focus group meetings were conducted with self‐help/mutual aid groups run by Turkish‐speaking migrant women, using a typology of group political ideology and focus of change. Analysis showed that group participation was an empowering experience and a crucial strategy for integration in the host society. Depending on the type of the group, women acknowledged personal or social benefits from group participation. Implications for promoting service user empowerment and involvement of migrant communities through mutual aid activities are considered.