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This study aims to advance theory on business in conflict zones (often termed “business for peace”) so as to enable the categorization of empirical work testing the field’s assertions.

In this conceptual paper, the authors present an assessment framework for categorizing research on the peace impacts of business entities, as suggested by Oetzel et al. (2009). This framework allows researchers to make comparisons across methodologies and fields on whether particular business actions contribute to peace.

Drawing on peace and conflict research, this study proposes a three-stage process in response to the presence of violence and its level of intensity, identify applicable research methods to assess the impact of business actions on peace at each of the three stages and offer suggestions for future research.

Categorizing research impacts in the business for peace field will allow societal actors to evaluate the efficacy of claimed business for peace efforts. This is particularly true for those in within international organizations and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) who work with the private sector and for those in the private sector whose work attempts to enhance peace.

As a societal actor, business has a key role to play in peacemaking. The past decade has seen a proliferation of qualitative research work surrounding this theme. In a seminal work, Oetzel et al. (2009) suggested a research framework building on the theories of Fort and Schipani (2004) and suggested five actions that businesses could take to promote peace. To the best of the authors’ knowledge, this paper is the first one to respond to that suggestion by proposing a means of categorizing the impacts of business actions.

The purpose of this paper is to examine experiences of harassment within the context of precarious work, which in Canada is shaped by subnational legislative frameworks.

A narrative inquiry approach to data collection and analysis was adopted. The paper draws from 72 interviews conducted with workers in precarious jobs from various industries in three cities in the Canadian province of Ontario, as well as 52 employment standards officers (ESOs) from 15 local Ministry of Labour offices in every region across the province. Placing workers’ stories in counterpoint to those of ESOs brings them into conversations about the law to which they would normally be left out.

The main finding of this paper is that harassment and employment standards (ES) violations are interrelated phenomena experienced as abuses of power and as tactics of control occurring within a context that is shaped by legislative frameworks.

This paper demonstrates that for workers in precarious jobs legislative frameworks and labor market practices in Ontario do not provide adequate redress for harassment and ES violations. In so doing, legislative frameworks render invisible the power imbalances within the employment relationship and obscure the interrelatedness of harassment and the wider erosion of workplace norms.

This paper aims to examine the long‐term mental health consequences of war from the perspectives of urban Mayan women in post‐war Guatemala.

Ethnographic methodologies, namely participant observation and in‐depth qualitative interviews were carried out during 12 months of fieldwork in Guatemala City.

The findings indicate that urban indigenous women confront a range of unresolved war‐related traumas and psychosocial distress that require specific attention by researchers, policy makers and service providers. It is argued that psychosocial interventions aimed at addressing the traumas of war must take into account present day conditions of post‐war violence, poverty, and social inequity that threaten the health and well‐being of indigenous peoples.

Recommendations are provided for promoting the mental health of urban indigenous women affected by war.

Research that has been conducted on the mental health effects of war has tended to focus on rural areas of the country. This article advances the research on post‐war Guatemala through a focus on urban Mayan indigenous women.

The viable systems theory of autonomous social communities is a cybernetic theory in which politics is seen as a facilitator for social coherence. A recent paper by Yolles explored this dimension, considering, how power and its process affects structure, manipulates information, and influences the way that people behave. A core conceptualization of that paper about political temperament is corrected and further developed.

Interest in this paper lies in the social cybernetics of autonomous social communities that have a culture, normative behaviour, and where the behaviour is ultimately determined from that culture. Autonomous social communities that have a culture have a history and dynamic that can be argued to have a potential for behavioural coherence through policy formation and processes of action research. It is through this proposition that politics is engaged in the theory.

This paper offers a correction and development of Yolle's conceptual representation of the notion of political temperament as discussed by Duverger. Political temperament is a part of political culture, and is ultimately connected to the way that power is created, assigned and used. Yolles was concerned with the relationship between political temperament, political management, and processes of power distribution. However, this model was misconceived, and we shall redefine it by expressing political temperament as the relationship between political mindedness, political management, and political centripetality (or process of power distribution).

In this paper it is argued that political temperament comes from a set of attitudes that underpin the political nature of a governing body that becomes responsible for the political management of a social community. It is seen to contribute to the formation of the political culture of autonomous social communities.

Drawing upon notions of agency and the body, the purpose of this paper is to examine the nature of agency as a gendered concept through a consideration of women sex‐workers. Specifically, the paper analyses how far women sex‐workers may be regarded as social agents. It then considers how far notions of agency, in relation to sex‐workers' embodied boundaries, may be gendered.

The paper reviews existing literature on sex‐workers and sex‐work practices, looking at indoor sex‐work (massage parlours), outdoor sex‐work (street sex‐work) and trafficking. It considers these types of sex‐work in relation to agency, gender and the body.

The paper acknowledges the diversity of women's experience within different aspects of the sex trade. The paper recognizes claims that treating sex‐workers as “victims” could further jeopardize their social position. However, the paper finds that the “options” available to sex‐workers are severely constrained. Specifically, the lack of capacity among sex‐workers to set embodied “rules of engagement” with clients makes the notion of agency problematic. The paper contends that “agency” is itself a gendered concept not only in relation to sex‐work, but also in the context of women's work more broadly.

Through the idea of agency as a gendered concept, the paper offers alternative ways of exploring agency, the body and women's work.

The paper puts forward the notion of agency as a gendered concept. This opens up possibilities for further research on women's “choices”, and who “makes the rules” within different labour markets.

Although patients and lay people are often more knowledgeable about medical conditions than their predecessors, the dominant culture’s increased involvement in understanding their health and making treatment decisions does not translate into consistently more informed patients. High health literacy is associated with both improved health outcomes and receiving better quality-of-care. Low health literacy disproportionately affects people from marginalized ethnic and language groups. Regardless of how a particular clinician feels about a patient, malapropisms and mis-attributions may cause patients to appear less intelligent or to have lower perceived health literacy, potentially affecting their healthcare experiences with other clinicians. The paper aims to discuss these issues.

This paper discusses the evidence for “up-skilling” patients and uses principles from conversation analysis to demonstrate how malapropisms can be corrected sensitively. Clinician training in skilled communication using the conversation analytic role-play method is also addressed.

Malapropisms are best corrected through modelling rather than calling attention to the error directly, as this allows the patient to save face. Explanations using drawings and clearly written materials may also be useful.

Helping patients to improve their communication with clinicians may lead to improved health outcomes through improved quality-of-care.

The purpose of this paper is to characterize the immigrant entrepreneurs of the Region of Antofagasta and identify their contribution to local development.

This is a descriptive study with a quantitative approach. Face-to-face interviews using a structured questionnaire were carried out with a sample of 314 immigrant entrepreneurs in the city of Antofagasta. The data were analysed using descriptive statistics and mean difference.

The results show a new type of entrepreneur that cannot be fully described by the theories developed for South–North immigrant entrepreneurs. The concept of the South–South entrepreneur is therefore proposed, in order to categorise these entrepreneurs and explain their behaviour, with the conclusion that this group makes a significant contribution to the local economy, both in terms of job and wealth creation and by broadening the availability of goods and services.

Given that immigrant entrepreneurs are a valuable socio-economic asset to the city in terms of job and wealth creation and service diversification, public administrations should endeavour to support these individuals and attract them to the city.

Knowledge of the contribution of this group will lead to a greater acceptance of immigrants who have recently been rejected by certain sectors of the population.

This study reveals the existence of a group of immigrant entrepreneurs whose characteristics and contribution to local development were previously not known.

El objetivo de este artículo es caracterizar a los inmigrantes emprendedores/as de la región de Antofagasta e identificar de su aporte al desarrollo local.

Es un estudio descriptivo, con un enfoque cuantitativo. Se realizaron entrevistas cara a cara con cuestionario estructurado a una muestra de 314 inmigrantes emprendedores de la ciudad de Antofagasta. Los datos fueron analizados utilizando estadística descriptiva y diferencia de medias.

Los resultados muestran un nuevo tipo de emprendedor que no pueden ser explicados a cabalidad por las teorías desarrolladas para inmigrantes emprendedores Sur-Norte. Por ello, se propone el concepto de emprendedores Sur-Sur, para categorizarles y explicar su comportamiento, concluyendo que realizan un aporte significativo a la economía local, tanto en generación de empleo y riqueza como en el incremento en la oferta.

Puesto que los inmigrantes emprendedores son un valioso activo socioeconómico para la ciudad en términos de generación de empleo, riqueza y diversidad en la oferta de servicios, las administraciones públicas deberían de tratar de apoyarlos, cuidarlos y atraer a la ciudad.

El conocimiento del aporte de este colectivo contribuirá a una mejor aceptación de los inmigrantes, que en los últimos años han sido rechazados por algunos sectores de la población.

Este estudio devela la realidad de un grupo de inmigrantes emprendedores del cual no se tenía conocimiento sobre sus características y su aporte al desarrollo local.

This paper aims to expose the violence intrinsic to globalization and to suggest a conceptual and practical domain focused on arresting and preventing the structural violence of globalization.

The paper integrates theory, scholarly literature and the author’s fieldwork analyzed through solidarity and liberationist methodologies.

The paper shows that severe, violent and irreparable destruction of formerly thriving and sustainable cultures and communities around the globe is an inherent component of globalization; current notions of “development” and “poverty” provide ideological cover for such destruction; a wide range of mainstream institutions and organizations (including governments, trade and financial institutions and national and multinational corporations) benefit from the destruction and collude in these dynamics, while a passive majority participates through its silence and consumptive lifestyle; and to arrest these dynamics requires awareness of the structural violence of development and globalization, and that those of us living in currently unsustainable societies commit both to re-localize our effects to our own communities and to change the operating rules of the global system.

This paper offers analysis, perspectives and practical considerations toward transformations essential to ending the structural violence of globalization, while inviting broad-based solidarity for further advancements.

Bridging global and local realities, the paper exposes systematic large-scale structural violence endemic to globalization, “development”, mainstream ideas about poverty and practices of “poverty reduction”. The paper identifies some fundamental requirements for arresting the structural violence of the global system.

The purpose of this paper is to identify and analyze socio-cultural and political forces which have shaped anti-violent attitudes and strategies of the Batek and Batek Tanum of Peninsular Malaysia.

Data collection during the authors’ long-term, multi-sited ethnographic fieldwork among the Batek and Batek Tanum in Peninsular Malaysia. Methodology included participant observation, semi-structured interviews and a literature review of texts on the Orang Asli and anthropological theories on violence.

Traumatic experiences of past violence and atrocities greatly influence the Batek's and Batek Tanum's present attitudes toward direct and structural forms of violence. A variety of anti-violent strategies are adopted, including the choice to escape when physically threatened. Rather than demonstrating “weakness,” this course of action represents a smart survival strategy. External violence reinforces values of internal cooperation and mutual-aid that foraging societies, even sedentary groups, typically privilege. In recent years, the Batek's increasing political awareness has opened new forms of resistance against the structural violence embedded within Malaysian society.

The study proposes that societies cannot simply be labelled as violent or non-violent on the basis of socio-biological theories. Research into hunter-gatherer social organization and violence needs to be reframed within larger debates about structural violence. The “anti-violence” of certain foraging groups can be understood as a powerful form of resilience to outside pressures and foraging groups’ best possible strategy for survival.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate direct, cultural, and structural violence in education system in the midst of armed conflict in Southern Thailand.

The exploratory qualitative case study conducted in-depth interviews and focus groups with 40 participants, consisting of students, parents, teachers, guidance counselors, principals, experts, education specialists, and administrators from seven schools across the three southern border provinces.

The study reveals some misconceptions of violence, normalization of direct violence in armed conflict, and pinpoints the ways in which cultural violence is used to legitimize structural and direct violence in the education system, as well as adverse effects and ethno-religious segregation in schools and the larger society.

Some policy recommendations are offered to address violence and promote sustainable peace through the education system in Southern Thailand.

This paper offers new perspectives on the inter-relationship between education and violence and adverse effects on violence in the education system in the midst of armed conflict in Southern Thailand.