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This essay studies disconnections between the macrolevel societal problems of a state and more microlevel political alignments.

Using a dataset composed of macrolevel measures of state problems and microlevel responses to a 2008 election survey, this essay applies multilevel statistical models to explain the state-to-state variance between the states on anti-abortion and pro-gun sentiments. This analysis uncovers the macro- and microlevel factors that disconnect a state’s neglect-of-children indicators from its citizens’ sentiments about abortion, and the factors that disconnect a state’s crime indicators from its citizens’ sentiments about guns.

The initial associations between a state’s indicators of neglect of children and anti-abortion sentiments are explained by the state’s lower human development (HD) and social attributes, especially religious beliefs, which predict social conservatism. The initial associations between a state’s indicators of crime and incarcerations are also explained by a state’s lower HD and the social attributes, especially religious beliefs, which predict social conservatism. Considering both abortion and guns as key indicators of social conservatism, the voters’ political choices exhibit a moralistic axiological rationality rather than a more pragmatic instrumental rationality.

The moral absolutism associated with sentiments about abortion and guns suggests that social conservatism and authoritarianism are intertwined but separate conceptions, which have similar consequences and determinants. Both may be influenced by the same changes in social and educational policies, especially the quality of education.

The purpose of this paper is to reconsider the impact of conservatism on political liberty and liberal democracy in contemporary society. It applies Weber's description of capitalism as the “most fateful” social force in modern society to analyzing conservatism in relation to political liberty and liberal democracy. The paper posits and finds that conservatism primarily (with secondary variations) negatively impacts political liberty and so modern liberal democracy. Alternatively, it argues and shows that conservatism almost invariably generates political repression and elimination or subversion of liberal democracy and society. It concludes that conservatism, especially in America, becomes from the “most fateful” to the “most fatal” social force on the account of its adverse impact on political liberty and democracy.

The paper aims to contribute to a better understanding of conservatism and its essentially destructive effects on political liberties and liberal democracy in contemporary society.

The paper finds that conservatism, especially in America, becomes from the “most fateful” to the “most fatal” social force on the account of its adverse impact on political liberty and democracy.

The paper posits and finds that conservatism primarily (with secondary variations) negatively impacts political liberty and so modern liberal democracy. Alternatively, it argues and shows that conservatism almost invariably generates political repression and elimination or subversion of liberal democracy and society.

The purpose of this paper is to focus on exploring the mutual impact of accounting conservatism and corporate social responsibility (CSR).

To empirically assess the theoretical arguments the authors estimate a simultaneous equations system for accounting conservatism and corporate social responsibility determination by two-stage least squares in a sample of 175 firms listed on the Tehran Stock Exchange (TSE) for the period 2009–2019.

The results of the present study showed that accountability in companies listed on the TSE has led to an increase in the use of conservative practices. Therefore arguably, companies that seek CSR activities are more conservative in preparing and presenting financial reports. Also, companies that engage in conservative practices for the benefit of stakeholders are better able to implement CSR activities to meet stakeholder obligations. These results show a two-way relationship between CSR and accounting conservatism.

According to the results obtained from this study and the elimination of conservatism from the qualitative features of financial reporting in International Accounting Standards, it is recommended for the trustees and authorities of national accounting standards to decide whether this qualitative feature is effective or not.

Furthermore, the findings of this study suggest that the application of corporate social responsibility theories calls for more inquiry.

This paper examines personal and situational factors that may contribute to biases in hiring decisions at the workplace, focusing on willingness to hire male gay or male Jewish ultra-Orthodox Jewish job candidates.

942 Jewish participants in Israel responded to an anonymous online questionnaire regarding a scenario addressing the possible employments of two male applicants: a homosexual and an ultra-Orthodox Jew. A variety of statistical tools, including regression analysis were performed to test hypotheses.

Findings show that social dominance orientation, conservatism, gender and religiosity as well as frequency of contact with the “unlike other” impacted on hiring intention of the participants. These relationships varied in strength and direction with regard to the two applicant types in question.

The explication of the phenomenon in question has both important theoretical and practical importance in a world where – concurrently – there exists increasing contact among individuals from different backgrounds and (perhaps not coincidently) increased signs of wariness of and discrimination toward those unlike ourselves. In light of economic costs related to discrimination – not to mention the personal costs to those discriminated against – organizations must better understand the dynamics of the phenomenon in question.

This is one of the first empirical examinations of the relative impact of personal and situational factors on hiring bias. In addition, it is the first study of its kind in Israel focusing on the mechanisms behind hiring bias toward gay males and ultra-orthodox males.

This paper aims to examine the migrant dilemma about operating extensively in migrant enclaves vs integration in host communities.

The paper is a critical literature review contrasting views and perspectives of the role of migrant enclaves in migrant integration and contribution in new societies. Research in the area of ethnic enclaves has been polarised: on the one hand, the optimists argue the critical benefits of migrant and ethnic community networks, thus downplaying potential drawbacks of such networks and the disadvantage externally imposed on migrants; on the other hand, the pessimists overemphasise the disadvantages of ethnic enclaves, portraying them as ghettos of alienation.

Based on the social solidarity integration model and immigrant-host and social interaction theory, the paper posits that migrant community networks could intentionally or unintentionally engender cultural alienation, worsening an already precarious educational, cultural and economic exclusion. Thus, migrants could remain in lower societal roles and experience limited upward social mobility if they operate exclusively within migrant and ethnic networks. However, ethnic enclaves, at the same time, offer the initial psychological nurturing on which future successful socialisation work with migrant communities can be built.

From a research angle, the theorisation of migrant enclave requires a new approach, which identifies dynamism and contextualisation as central to the debate.

From a policy perspective, the research suggests the rethinking of the role of community support systems (and the wider enclave debate). The organisational implications the research suggests a shift of the organisational paradigm in the way migrant organisations manage themselves and support members in the enclave.

This paper’s contribution is to take a duality approach to studying the ethnic enclave and posits that this will engender effective social policy that helps reduce economic inequality.

This study aimed to empirically examine the effectiveness of disclosing user comment history without disclosing personal identity as a nudge policy to refrain users from posting malicious content online.

The authors collected the number of comments and posters from the leading portal website in South Korea, Naver.com. To causally investigate the impacts of the new nudge policy on the number of comments and posters, the authors used the regression discontinuity design (RDD) approach.

The authors found that the new policy reduced all types of comments, including the number of malicious comments, self-deleted comments and current comments. This resulted in an overall decrease in the total number of posted comments, which is considered a side effect. In addition, the authors found that the effect of the nudge policy, which disclosed user comment history, has a stronger effect on older female users than their counterparts.

The study findings extend the current knowledge on a nudge policy being implemented by a website as a means to reduce malicious online content and how it impacts user content posting behaviors.