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The purpose of this paper is to outline the history of the Sino-Indian conflict and to evaluate recent changes as reflected in the high level meetings between President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister Narendra Modi. It explores the evolving relationship in terms of three types of bargaining: elusive, tacit and convergent.

By adopting a historical approach one gets a better sense of the evolving pattern of relations between China and India and the circumstances in which the evolution is occurring.

China-India relations are similar to a journey where the progress is measured in terms of small steps rather than a final peace settlement. Relations have changed slowly towards a positive direction in economic relations, and there is a pattern of stability in border talks but the issue is complicated by the linkages between the Tibet question and border issues.

This topic requires considerable research because it is important for the future of Asian international relations and it is under-researched. Perhaps there could be an edited volume which brings together researchers from different backgrounds and expertise. The suggested work must be empirical but with a theoretical framework related to different types of bargaining cultures and experiences in Asia.

As China and India evolve in their diplomatic practices and thinking, as Asian powers are readjusting their policies in the light of new circumstances, there are insights for policy analysts and practitioners in China and India among other Asian countries.

The main purpose of paper is to analyse the political, military and strategic significance of China’s rising power and its influence on Sino-Indian relations, while addressing the question as to why India has not been able to develop a long-term, stable and friendly relationship with China.

The paper is structured as follows: historical overview of India-China relations; various tools of China’s policy in Indian sub-continent; and India’s response. The paper employs a qualitative analysis of secondary literature, with media reports, official documents and public statements providing important sources for understanding the dynamics underlying bilateral relationship.

India needs to be prepared to face challenges as China’s charm offensive in India’s neighbourhood is primarily aimed at establishing a new Asian order in which Beijing would play the leading role. As China institutionalizes its military presence in South Asia and the Indian Ocean, India should adopt an innovative response mechanism, also involving counter-presence in areas considered China’s traditional sphere of influence.

The primary value of the paper lies in the fact that it covers most of the key dimensions of bilateral ties that impair a stable relationship between India and China. A proper understanding of the dynamics underlying bilateral ties may help the policymakers, scholars and academics to suggest ways to reduce sources of tensions, while also helping the Indian Government to prepare effective countermeasures.

China and India are pursuing cooperative arrangements while simultaneously maintaining their own independence, especially with respect to foreign policy. Today, decisions about cooperation are made on a case‐by‐case basis, opting for cooperation when necessary and competition where this strategy is justified. Maintaining a balance in a contradiction‐ridden relationship is important from the points of view of the national interests of both India and China. The purpose of this paper is to describe development in the notion of CHINDIA and provide some pointers for maintaining the balance between the two countries.

Learning from history and current happenings, the paper looks to the future of CHINDIA. A SWOT analysis is undertaken of the basic trade figures of the two economies in the context of the global environment and various bilateral moves. Trade details are assessed and analysed. A content analysis method is used to identify prevailing sentiments relayed to CHINDIA and its future.

This review identified strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, threats and sentiments relayed to CHINDIA. Together, these form basic points for considering any future actions related to the two economies.

The study will be useful for academics and business professionals working in the area of international business/relations and those engaged in tracking development in CHINDIA for strategic ends. Policy makers can streamline their efforts, taking into account the pointer that emerged for this study.

The purpose of this paper is to describe how China’s rapid growth and increasing resource dependence have changed its relationship with India and their respective defense strategies. In particular, we consider China's Belt and Road Initiative, India's “Act East” policy and the strategic and economic value of the Indian Ocean and South China Sea regions.

The authors find no econometric evidence of interactions between China and India’s military spending using a Richardson-Baumol arms race model. Likewise, in a cross-county panel data study of military spending, they find that China’s military spending has no independent effect on military spending in other countries. The authors also show that once wage costs and other sources of military inflation are accounted for, the pattern of real defense spending growth is much less intense than is suggested by nominal data. Nevertheless, they show that China has been undertaking intense military modernization with rapidly rising capital-labor ratios in its defense spending.

The authors find little evidence of a traditional arms race, but also show that China, and to a lesser extent India, have been realigning their military capabilities to these new security risks while maintaining overall military burden on the economy.

Econometric analysis is limited by data availability and is necessarily historical, whereas the security situation is very fluid and may change in the short term.

The paper identifies factors that are likely to influence China and India's attitudes to defense spending in the coming years.

The paper finds that there is not an arms race in the traditional sense but may be an arms race in terms of new technologies and military modernization.

This is a very much underexplored topic in economics. The authors take an interdisciplinary approach showing how economics tools can be used to help understand this important issue in international relations.

China and the Soviet Union have disputed portions of their common border for centuries, sometimes violently. Some analysts base this dispute on competing territorial ambitions and deep‐seated cultural antipathy. The perspective elaborated here, using an historical‐structural rather than quantitative approach, is that modern China uses the border dispute as a convenient means of communicating with the Soviet Union when a particularly forceful, dramatic, or public forum is needed to accomplish Chinese objectives. Support for this hypothesis, derived from an analysis of China's relations with other neighbors, is also discussed.

This introductory essay historicizes the evolution of China’s geopolitical strategy from the Maoist era (1949–1976) to the present. It examines the Chinese strategic thinking in four spatial settings: Eurasia, maritime Southeast Asia, the Indian subcontinent and the wider Indo-Pacific region. The Chinese strategic concerns are comparable across these regions, but the ability to pursue security interests is contingent on many circumstantial factors. This study refers to some snapshots of the ongoing regional disputes to discuss the continuities and breakpoints in China’s strategic outreach in a multipolar world.

This study draws on the scholarly literature and policy papers to examine the interrelated forces that shape China’s rise to regional dominance: how Beijing has co-opted a series of global and regional crises for its rise to domination; how China, the USA and neighbouring countries have adjusted and adapted to a new changing international order; and how major powers in littoral and maritime Asia respond to an increasingly assertive Chinese state.

This study documents the combination of smart, soft and sharp power that China has deployed, since the global financial crisis of 2008, to enforce its dominance against the USA across the Pacific Rim and Eurasia. It argues that General Secretary of the Chinese Communist PartyXi Jinping initially launched the Belt and Road Initiative to respond to former US President Barak Obama’s policy of rebalancing Asia, and he has expanded these expansionary projects to counter US President Donald Trump’s “America First” doctrine, thereby asserting Chinese influence abroad and tightening control against discontented populations at home.

Many Western policy analysts are wondering whether a rising China will be a “status quo” state or a revisionist state that attempts to challenge the existing world order. The lack of clarification from Beijing has prompted Washington to shift from a longstanding strategy of diplomatic engagement to that of geostrategic containment to balance against China.

The strategic goals of China in the early 21st century pertain to security reassurance, access to energy resources and national image building. Since the global financial crisis of 2008, China has become immensely confident of its own socio-economic accomplishments and scornful of what it perceives as an American conspiracy to undermine its rise to power. Following in the footsteps of the USA in the post-Second World War era, Japan in the 1980s and Taiwan in the 1990s, Beijing has used international commercial activities and business contracts to achieve specific political, strategic and diplomatic objectives.

Nuclear proliferation in Asia is basically rooted in psycho-cultural complexes of their ruling elites who are engaged in a frantic search for national security, national identity, and influence by developing n-weapon capability. A propensity for acquiring a credible nuclear deterrence as a security guarantee against any potential threat from adverse or hostile neighbours, political and military elites in volatile regions such as South Asia, Middle East, and Northeast Asia are perpetually indulged in producing artificially insecurity syndrome among their people to legitimize the imperative of nuclear weapon building programme. Inter-Asian regional nuclear collaboration, for instance, between North Korea and Pakistan, between North Korea and Myanmar, between Iran and Pakistan, between Pakistan and China are alarming signs of fomenting the nuclear armament and missile race in Asia. Alexei Arbatov, Director of the Centre of International Security, Institute of the World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences; writes that with the ceasing of ideological and geopolitical rivalry between the two superpowers, nuclear proliferation has gained momentum in the horizontal proliferation in countries of volatile regions of Asia – India, Pakistan, Israel, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Libya – with the flawed support systems of the NPT, IAEA, and Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG). For instance, NPT does not offer any tangible benefits to those countries renouncing acquisition of nuclear weapons, nor does it “envision serious punishment for military nuclear activities” (Arbatov, 2004).

The purpose of this paper is to provide a more holistic approach to analysing the impact of all the behaviour of a conflict's participants its overall dynamics, using the example of the Northern Irish troubles.

A novel multivariate time series approach developed by Professor Paul Smoker is presented which can map the dynamics of this conflict and its causal inferences as a series or “systemograms”.

The case example reveals high levels of autocorrelation in the variety of techniques used by the state security authorities to suppress terrorism, indicating their strong role in maintaining this conflict. When more than one party exhibits such behaviour, the conflict “locks in”.

The work remains preliminary and historical. Data was collected on a month‐by‐month basis which suggests associated rather than direct causal influence. It would be useful to further explore these findings using data from similar conflicts.

Suggests that some counter‐terrorism approaches may be dysfunctional especially those adopting sub‐lethal weapons. Provides some insight into behavioural changes required to prevent conflict destabilisation.

Provides a novel conflict research methodology which allows the strong structural dynamics of the conflict to be seen – much the way that elapsed time photography enables hidden processes to be revealed. The raw statistics are presented here.

In the past few years Indian companies witnessed competition from their Chinese counterparts in acquiring overseas petroleum resources. In an attempt to avoid competition with each other the two governments have taken various measures, which finally led to the two countries signing a Memorandum of Understanding for energy cooperation especially for joint overseas bidding for exploration and production. Although the Indian side perceives the cooperation effort as a major breakthrough in avoiding Chinese competition in the overseas energy arena, it appears to be of limited prospects to India in terms of acquiring overseas petroleum assets or exploration and production contracts. The purpose of this paper is to examine the prospects and implication for India in the overseas energy cooperation with China.

The paper analyses the strategy which China is pursuing, in order to maximise its gains and outmanoeuvre India in the overseas energy asset biddings.

The main findings of the paper show that competition would be the prevailing factor in their interaction in overseas energy search.

While there are many potential areas of cooperation between India and China, this paper focuses only on their cooperation to jointly procure energy fields in order to evaluate the likely prospects and implications for India.

This paper is original work based on facts and information regarding energy cooperation between India and China. The paper offers an analysis of India‐China interaction in the overseas energy arena, and the prospects and implications of cooperation to India.

This chapter analyzes Mao Zedong’s decision-making code in foreign policy decisions made during his years as China’s leader: 1949–1976. I examine six decisions in China’s foreign policy during Mao’s tenure: China’s involvement in the Korea war (1951), Annexation of Tibet (1951), attacking the Taiwanese islands (1954), China’s war with India (1962), its involvement in the Vietnamese war (1964), and 1969 incident with the Soviet Army. This, in order to shed more light on the decision-making of leaders from the Far East, and to try and understand insights pertaining to the current foreign policy of China.

The analysis was conducted using the Applied Decision Analysis (ADA) method, based on historical materials, testimonies, and reports. The analysis demonstrates that Mao followed the poliheuristic decision rule in these decisions. Chairman Mao was making his decisions while choosing the most rational, cost-effective decision among alternatives that did not place his political status at risk.