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The present research aims at identifying the latent factors that are driving the rise of the shadow economy in Palestine, assesses its magnitude from 1998 to 2021 and investigates the influence that its size has on the financial sustainability of Palestine's public budget.

The researchers employed the multi-indicator multi-causes (MIMIC) model to estimate the size of the shadow economy and investigate its effect on the financial sustainability of the public budget. Economic factors such as direct taxes, indirect taxes, government welfare, government spending and unemployment were considered causal variables, while indicators of financial sustainability included budget deficit, public debt and gross domestic product (GDP). The shadow economy served as an intermediary variable.

Based on the findings, the researchers recommend regulating and formalizing legitimate activities within the shadow economy. Additionally, they suggest promoting investment projects to reduce unemployment rates, lowering taxes on essential goods and consumer items and providing support to local producers in Palestine. These measures aim at addressing the challenges posed by the shadow economy and fostering economic stability.

The study reveals that the average size of the shadow economy in Palestine between 1998 and 2021 was 43.80%, fluctuating within the range of 39.92%–46.30%. It further establishes that an increase in direct and indirect taxes as well as unemployment contributes to the expansion of the shadow economy. Conversely, government welfare and spending exert a diminishing effect. Moreover, the study finds that the rise of the shadow economy correlates with an increase in public debt, budget deficit and GDP, indicating a negative impact on the financial sustainability of the public budget.

This study delves into the transformation of UAE-Israel relations, which transitioned from a long-term rivalry to a formal peace agreement in 2020. It aims to uncover the multifaceted elements that influenced both nations’ pursuit of bilateral negotiations, with a special emphasis on the role of unofficial collaboration.

Employing a case study approach, the research traces the evolution of the UAE-Israel ties, mapping their progression from covert collaborations to public accords. This exploration is set against a backdrop of political, economic, and societal factors that have historically characterized the broader Israel-Arab conflict. Real-world dynamics and theoretical constructs are analyzed in tandem to derive comprehensive insights.

Key drivers for the transformation of UAE-Israel relations included the threat from Iran, internal disturbances, economic stresses, and the strategic advantages of discreet diplomacy. Exogenous catalysts like the Covid-19 pandemic and Israel's annexation plans in 2019-2020 played pivotal roles, capitalizing on pre-existing covert collaborations and shared regional interests. Constructive strategies, notably inducements, effectively reshaped their adversarial relationship. The resultant U.S.-mediated agreement conferred strategic, security, economic, and diplomatic benefits to both parties. Importantly, the potency of conengagement conflict management strategy, especially when bolstered by exogenous factors and growing mutual interest, emerged as a game-changer in terminating longstanding rivalries.

This study offers a unique perspective on Israel-UAE relations, emphasizing the significance of covert engagements, inducements, and the innovative conengagement strategy in conflict resolution. By examining a relationship devoid of direct armed conflict, the research underscores the interplay of economic, political, and societal factors in reshaping rivalries. This case study serves as a testament to the potential for transformative change in enduring disputes when the right conditions and strategies align, supplementing conventional perspectives and offering valuable implications for policy and mediation initiatives in the Middle East.

What kinds of support do interstate rivals provide to domestic actors in ongoing civil wars? And how do domestic actors utilize the support they receive? This chapter answers these questions by comparing Iranian and Saudi military and non-military (mediation, foreign aid and religious soft-power promotion) support to the Houthis and to the Government of Yemen (GoY) during the Saada wars (2004–2010) and the internationalized civil war (2015–2018). It also focuses on the processes through which the GoY and the Houthis have utilized this support for their own strategic purposes. This chapter applies a structured, focused comparison methodology and relies on data from a review of both primary and secondary sources complemented by 14 interviews. This chapter finds that there were less external interventions in the conflict in Saada than in the internationalized civil war. During the latter, a broader set of intervention strategies enabled further instrumentalization by domestic actors, which in turn contributed to the protracted nature of the conflict. This chapter contributes to the literature on interstate rivalry and third-party intervention. The framework of analysis is applicable to civil wars that experience intervention by rivals, such as Syria or Libya.

This study aimed to investigate the influence of brand-targeted animosity on consumers' boycott intentions for target fashion products via their cognitive and affective evaluations, in the context of the “Xinjiang cotton ban” incident. The moderating role of xenocentrism was also examined.

Data were collected through an online survey in China using convenience sampling, and 411 valid responses were obtained. The collected data were analyzed using SPSS 26.0 for the descriptive statistics, frequency analysis and reliability analysis. AMOS 24.0 was employed for the confirmatory factor and structural equation modeling analyses. Bootstrapping analysis using PROCESS Macro was employed to analyze the moderating effects.

This study found that consumers' brand animosity directly and positively affected boycott intentions and that this influence was sequentially mediated through cognitive-affective evaluations. However, cognitive product judgment did not directly affect boycott intentions. The results showed that xenocentrism had a moderating effect on the relationship between animosity and cognitive judgment. The higher the xenocentrism of consumers, the weaker the negative effect of animosity was on cognitive judgment.

This study bridges the gap in the literature on animosity and xenocentrism in a fashion-related context through examining the consequences of brand animosity.

The study draws primarily on social identity theory and conceptualizes perceived brand localness (PBL) as a signal of in-group membership to local consumers and investigates how it affects consumer trust and purchase intentions for foreign brands in developing countries in Asia. In addition, the authors examine boundary conditions for these hypothesized PBL effects.

Using consumer survey data from three countries in Southeast Asia (the Philippines, Vietnam and Myanmar), the authors empirically validate the positive effects of PBL on consumer trust and purchase intentions for foreign brands in developing countries.

The findings support the social identity theory conceptualization of PBL for foreign brands, in which it can create identification-based trust (Tanis and Postmes, 2005) and active ownership through a process of self-stereotyping (van Veelen et al., 2015).

The findings suggest that social identity theory can be a promising theoretical framework for conceptualizing PBL and gaining a deeper insight into its mechanization and how it impacts consumers.