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Describes a pilot project conducted in an independent boys’ school to introduce the no‐blame approach for dealing with bullying. The approach was developed by Barbara Maines and George Robinson. It puts the emphasis on the effect of bullying on the victim. Instead of being punished, bullies are involved in looking at how their actions have affected the victim. Summarizes the lessons learnt from the pilot, including the need for better training for teachers at schools trying to implement the approach. The method is now being promoted by Eastern Surrey Health Authority. Since the pilot project, 12 independent schools in the East Surrey area have adopted the no‐blame approach using the model designed as a result of the pilot.

This paper aims to discuss multiple methods for gathering information about school bullying and provides a developmental framework for communicating the information to parents and teachers.

Formal assessments of bullying consisted of student surveys and systematic observations of the playground behaviors of more than 600 students. Bullying that was informally observed during survey administration, and interviews with students involved in bullying also provided insight into the magnitude of school problems.

The extent of a school's bullying problem is difficult to asses by informal observations alone. Educators are most likely to be aware of bullying that it is performed by socially unskilled, poorly regulated students. Socially skilled students are much more adept at keeping their bullying secret. Formal observations by trained coders provide an important window into the world of children, but are too costly and labor‐intensive for most applications.

Student surveys provide alternative means of assessing the impact of bullying. Accuracy of information derived from surveys and student interviews may be improved by protecting students from coercion, starting with questions about witnessed bullying, and asking students for concrete examples.

Efforts to research or intervene in school bullying require accurate information about the problem. Parents and staff are more likely to support intervention efforts when educators and researchers present bullying information using a non‐stigmatizing, developmental framework

This chapter examines the definitions of bullying used by students and adults in elementary schools and the effects that these definitions had within the broader school culture.

I combine interviews with 53 students and 10 adults and over 430 hours of participant observation with fifth grade students at two rural elementary schools.

Definitions of bullying held by those in these schools typically differed from those used by researchers. Even when individuals held definitions that were in line with those used by researchers, however, a focus on identifying bullies rather than on behaviors that fit definitions of bullying contributed to a school culture in which negative interactions were normalized and student reports of these behaviors were discouraged.

This study is limited to two elementary schools in the rural Midwest and cannot be seen as representative of all schools. Support for my findings from other research combined with similar definitions and school cultures in both schools, however, suggest that these definitions and practices are part of a broader cultural context of bullying in the United States.

These findings suggest that schools might be better served by focusing less on labels like “bully” and more on particular behaviors that are to be taken seriously by students, teachers, staff members, and principals.

Although other researchers have studied definitions of bullying, none have combined these definitions with observational data on the broader school contexts in which those definitions are created and used.

Of the many serious challenges confronting schools today, bullying and harassment perhaps pose the most deleterious and persistent long-term outcomes for students. The effects of bullying are not limited to the students targeted by these behaviors, but also negatively affect the bullies and bystanders who witness the events. An array of factors influence, or even perpetuate, school bullying. The factors are related to individual characteristics of the students, social relationships in school, family support, neighborhood influences, and community systems. In this chapter, we describe the effects of bullying and harassment and, provide a current perspective of the magnitude of the problem. We also discuss effective responses to bullying and harassment in schools and approaches for prevention. School-wide implementation of programs is highlighted.

Bullying is a complex phenomenon that is grounded in intricate interactions between an individual and the social and environmental systems that surround the individual. At the present time, all 50 states and the District of Columbia have adopted bully prevention legislation to reduce the prevalence among school-aged youth. Unfortunately, bullying is associated with adverse long- and short-term outcomes, where students with disabilities, including those with behavioral disabilities, may be at escalated risk for involvement and difficulty navigating the effects of prolonged exposure to bullying. Given the complexity of bullying, several participatory roles have been established to help guide identification and intervention delivery by recognizing the reciprocity between bullying and victimization. Most importantly, interventions should be situated within a multitired or component framework and grounded in skill development, where bully prevention programming is delivered to all students based on individual need. By recognizing the risk characteristics and understanding the various student profiles, especially as they related to youth with disabilities, schools can development, adopt, and implementing prevention programming that is designed to simultaneously increase academic, functional, and behavioral development, while decreasing bullying involvement.

The purpose of this study is to explore school resource officers (SROs) and their role in preventing, detecting and intervening in bullying incidents.

Using data from 214 survey respondents, the present study attempted to identify the personal and situational characteristics that help to understand when SROs are likely to identify and intervene in bullying incidents.

Taking a multivariate logistic regression approach, the results show that SROs – regardless of race, age, gender and education – who can identify instances of bullying are more likely to intervene to stop it.

The implications of improved training for SROs are discussed, as are ways to enhance the integration of SROs into schools’ overall anti-bullying efforts.

Bullying and violence in schools have been a growing concern for school districts and SROs are being increasingly seen as critical components of anti-bullying programs.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the complexity of children’s involvement in school bullying from the child’s perspective.

A Foucauldian perspective provides a more nuanced approach than traditional understandings for examining the fluidity of power which involves “grey” areas; struggles between pupils, and pupils and teachers; and takes into account systemic factors. Data are drawn from observations, focus groups and individual interviews with children aged 10-16.

Children explained how pupils, teachers and inequalities inherent in school contributed to their involvement. Children felt coerced into reinforcing societal inequalities whereby the “vulnerable” were susceptible to victimisation and pupils can achieve status through bullying. Several working-class males who had learning difficulties felt “picked on” by their peers and teachers, and subsequently retaliated aggressively.

Findings from this relatively small sample provide insight into children’s unique experiences and how they are produced within wider systems of knowledge which differ from traditionally accepted discourses.

Pupils should have an input into the development and implementation of institutional strategies to tackle bullying.

Traditional ways of identifying “bullies” can be used to target those already marginalised whilst more sophisticated bullying is usually accepted and approved.

The complexity, fluidity and multi-faceted nature of children’s involvement is highlighted. Children discussed the maltreatment they experienced from pupils and teachers but did not realise how they may have subjected them to bullying.

School resource officers (SROs) have become commonplace in schools across the USA. Although their visibility may allow them to function as capable guardians, little research has examined their impact on less serious but more common forms of school violence, like bullying. The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between the presence, quantity and roles of SROs and the frequency of bullying.

Data come from the nationally representative 2006 School Survey on Crime and Safety. The relationship between SROs and bullying, controlling for other guardians, motivated offenders and school characteristics, was assessed using ordered logistic regression. Separate models were estimated for middle and high schools.

There was no association between the presence, quantity or role of SROs and bullying in middle or high schools; however, teacher training was associated with less frequent bullying, especially in middle schools, and the presence of motivated offenders was associated with more frequent bullying.

Whether SROs reduce school violence is contested; this study found no association between SROs and bullying, a less serious but more common form of school violence. Future research should consider the roles of SROs in schools and the credibility of capable guardians.

The results caution against continuing to divert educational and social service resources to law enforcement in schools. Continued training for teachers may provide more effective guardianship against bullying.

This paper contributes to the developing literature on the effect of SROs on less serious but more common forms of school violence, like bullying.

The purpose of this paper is to describe how and why school-based programmes to prevent or reduce bullying involve parents, and what impact involving parents has on bullying.

A review of relevant literature, in particular systematic reviews and meta-analyses.

The logic of involving parents in school-based bullying prevention programmes is that this increases the likelihood of parents first, telling schools that their child is being bullied, which in turn enables the school to act appropriately, and second, being able to address bullying-related issues effectively at home. Parent involvement is associated with a reduction in bullying but further research is needed to determine if it is a causal factor. Programmes tend not to include a parenting education and support element, despite negative parenting behaviour being associated with children being a victim or a bully/victim.

There is good reason to involve parents in school-based bullying prevention. Given the parenting risk factors for bullying perpetration and victimisation, bullying prevention programmes could also usefully offer parenting education and support.

The paper focuses exclusively on the role of parents in school-based bullying prevention programmes. It articulates the logic of involving parents and summarises the impact of parent involvement.

The current study aims to investigate whether the victimization of immigrant children is more likely to be unrecognized by teachers and parents and what demographic factors contribute to children's unrecognized bullying victimization.

Data from the publicly accessible US Early Childhood Longitudinal Study, Kindergarten Cohort, 2011 were utilized (N = 10,587 children across 2,194 schools), and the hierarchical linear model was used for modeling.

Among all bullying victims included in this study, only 32% were recognized by both parents and teachers. Bullied children who had only foreign-born parent/s were more likely to be unnoticed by adults than those who had only US-born parent/s. Among all bullied children, girls were more likely to be overlooked by adults than boys, and Asian and Hispanic children were more likely to be overlooked by adults than White children.

To better protect and support all victimized children, schools should develop innovative strategies to engage more immigrant parents; teachers and parents need to learn how not to rely on social and cultural biases to guide their interpretations and response to school bullying; parents and teachers should keep good communication with children.

Previous research demonstrates that immigrant children have a high risk of being bullied in school, but it is unclear whether parents and teachers are sufficiently aware of their victimization. This paper is the first study to demonstrate how parents' nativity, gender and race/ethnicity are associated with children's unrecognized bullying victimization.